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lieu of which his present Majesty accepted the limited annuity of £960,000 (as before stated) was from 1777 to 1800, both inclusive.. ..£30,253,885

That the total sum paid by the public, in the same period, on account of the above annuity, Exchequer fees, and in discharge of Civil List debts (£888,340)

was

Leaving a balance of gain, as before explained, of...

22,654,676

£7,599,209

The whole period of the account extends to twentyfour years; the average annual gain has therefore been £300,000 per annum. But if we take only the last three years, which is fair, as the annuity is limited and the revenues are annually increasing, its total amount will be found to exceed £700,000 per annum, making a further gain, to be computed from the close of the account to the end of 1808, or during eight years, of £5,600,000.

Having now shewn historically the source from which the Civil List expenditure is defrayed, I shall next proceed to mention the attention which Parliament has paid to the proper and œconomical regulation of this establishment. In process of time the annuity accepted by his Majesty becoming insufficient for defraying the charges on the Civil List, its attention was directed to the question, and an act was passed in 1782 (22 Geo. 3 c. 82.) for its future regulation.

I shall not enter into the details of the Civil List Act farther than to shew, in the first place, how provident and jealous the Parliament in our times has been, in contriving the most efficient security against any corruption or abuse which might arise from the disposal of the immediate revenue of the crown; and, secondly, with what care and vigilance it has formed plans for its economical expenditure.

Under the first head (that of preventing corruption) I shall mention the regulations affecting the grant of pensions, and the application of the funds derived from the Civil List for secret service.

The amount of Pensions which can be made a charge on the Civil List, is limited by this act, as may be hereafter seen.

In times preceding the act, they were paid from private lists, and in private places. By the act, they can only be paid by the public officers at the Exchequer, and from public lists, containing the names of the parties and recorded therein. One instance is to be quoted as an exception; but this very exception marks the object of Parliament, and defines its views: the first Lord of the Treasury may return a pension into the Exchequer without a name, provided he makes oath, That such pension is not payable to any member of the House of Commons, or to any other person for the purpose of supporting or procuring an interest in any place returning members to Parliament.

The sum allotted for Secret Service Money is also limited in its extent, and a series of clauses are enacted to secure its regular and due application to the service on account of which it has been issued by order of the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury.

The other object of the act was, that of securing order and œconomy in the expenditure of the Civil List, revenues. With this view, a number of useless places, with their salaries, were abolished. But I think it most material to state, how, and under what conditions, that abolition took place. The persons who held them were not dismissed with all their claims unsatisfied, or their former services unrewarded. On the contrary full power was given to satisfy every claim, and to give every man his due. The clause to this effect is a solemn, just, and practical recognition of this useful, wise, and honourable principle, that, in every reform, the

claims of individuals, whether legal or equitable, ought to be duly attended to, and that no public advantage is to be acquired by a parliamentary or other violation of a private right.

: The next œconomical regulation that followed, was that of dividing the expences of the Civil List into distinct classes, and the forming an estimate of the expence necessary for the support of each.

I shall here give you an abstract of the estimate framed for the purpose; as I think it will, in some degree at least, furnish you with information as to the sort of articles defrayed by the King for the benefit of the public, out of the sum which he receives in exchange for his hereditary revenues. I call this only an abstract; it literally is so; for every individual salary, and many minute expences, are separately detailed in the original

`estimate:

1st Class.---" Pensions and allowances to the

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Royal Family, including the privy purse of the King and Queen 2d Class." Payment of the salaries of the Lord High Chancellor of Great Britain, the Lord Keeper or the Lords Commissioners of the Great Seal, the Speaker of the House of Commons, the Judges of the King's Bench, and Common Pleas, and Barons of the Exchequer, and Justices of the Courts of Great Britain in the Principality of Wales

3d Class." Salaries to Ministers at foreign. courts, being resident at the said courts 4th Class.--" Approved Bills of all tradesmen, artificers, and labourers, for any articles supplied or work done for his Majesty's service..

5th Class." Menial servants of his Majesty's household

£203,500

32,955

70,852

147,200

90,965

Pensions in the form

6th Class.

of royal bounty

£92,582

8,975

Ditto to retired Ambassadors...
Compensations for offices abolished 16,632

118,189

81,440

7th Class." Salaries; including those to sundry civil and law officers, public servants in the Courts of Law, Revenue offices, and in the Houses of Lords and Commons, in the Exchequer, &c. &c. &c. ... 8th Class." Salaries and pensions of the High Treasurer, or Lords Commissioners of his Majesty's Treasury, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the offices of Secretary of State, and a multiplicity of other public services distinctly named in the estimate. 138,476

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It is in this place necessary that I should observe, that the whole of the expences above detailed are not at this period (1810) defrayed from the funds applicable to the support of the Civil List. An increased provision has been made for the numerous branches of the Royal Family, as well as an augmentation of the salaries of the Judges, with a superannuation fund on their retirement from age or infirmity.

This increase is charged by act of Parliament on what is called the Consolidated Fund, or the general revenue of the country. There may be some other articles, subject to the same observation, which are in the same mode a charge on the public funds, and may, in part, be said to be in aid of the Civil List, which became unequal to its burthens.

I can however say, subject to the above exceptions, that his Majesty, from the above annuity accepted by him in exchange of his hereditary and other revenues,

maintains the dignity and splendour of his crown; in a great degree provides for his numerous family; diffuses the royal bounty in the shape of pensions; largely contributes to the expence of administering justice; pays his own ambassadors; and, in part, contributes to the carrying on the great business of the state, by paying the salaries and expences of its antient and necessary establishments.

It will not be improper to say, in this place, that at à period subsequent to that in which the estimate which I have recited was formed, the attention of Parliament was again called to the consideration of the expenditure of the Civil List. The subject more than once underwent the examination of committees of the House of Commons; and their report of 1803 and 1804, will, if you refer to them, prove their diligent and vigilant attention to this important question.

I refer you to these reports with confidence; being fully convinced that if our countrymen could be induced to examine into facts themselves, they would acknow ledge, from absolute proof, that no neglect or dereliction of duty is imputable to Parliament, and treat as they deserve the obvious misrepresentations of reformers on this subject.

But I shall not interrupt the detail of facts which I have undertaken, by further observations at this moment.

It will be seen from the reports in 1803 and 1804, to which I have alluded, that the increased expences of the Civil List (which they undoubtedly prove) did not originate from any source of corruption. No excess beyond the estimate of 1786 will be found under the head of Pensions; none even in the provision for the Royal Family; none for the salaries of ministers, or the establishments of office; but the whole falls on those articles, the cost of which has (nominally at least) increased the expenditure of every subject of the country in common with that of his Majesty.

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