A. D. 1776-77.

was to let the districts on leases for life, or for two joint-lives, giving the preference always to the Zemindar, when his offer was a fair one. Mr. Francis, going on the erroneous principle, that the property in the land was neither in the sovereign nor in the cultivator, but in the Zemindar, proposed a land-tax, fixed once for all, and never to be changed, on the Zemindars, the ryots to be protected against them by leases. The Directors did The Directors did not deem it advisable to adopt either of these plans; but directed that the lands should be let for one year, on the most advantageous terms, but not by auction. The average of the collections of the preceding years was finally made the basis of the new arrangement, and this continued to be the mode for some years.

In the beginning of September, 1776, Col. Monson died; and as this event made the two parties equal in number at the board, and the governor necessarily had the casting voice, Hastings became once more supreme. A very curious and obscure transaction is connected with this affair.

In 1775 Hastings, when galled by the mode in which he was continually thwarted by the majority, empowered Mr. Graham and a Col. M'Lean, who were returning to Europe, to tender his resignation unless certain conditions therein specified could be obtained. It is to be observed that Lord North's ministry, partly in consequence of the accounts they received from the majority, partly from their desire to get the patronage of India, were hostile to Hastings. The same was the case with some of the most influential Directors. On the 8th of May, 1776, a motion was carried in the Court of Directors to address his majesty, praying him to remove Hastings and Barwell from office. But in a Court of Proprietors on the 15th, a motion that the Directors should be recommended to reconsider their resolution, was carried by a majority of 106, though the whole strength of the ministry and their adherents was put forth to defeat it. The resolution respecting the removal of Hastings and Barwell was afterwards rescinded; but still some of Hastings' friends did not think he could hold out against his powerful enemies, and they endeavoured to secure for him an honourable retreat. Matters were in part arranged with the minister, and then M'Lean wrote to the Court of Directors, stating that he was authorised to offer the governor-general's resignation, and requesting them to nominate a successor. On the 18th December, the letter was taken into consideration, and M'Lean was called in and questioned as to his authority. He offered to give it; but as in the papers to which he must refer, it was mixed up with very confidential matters, he requested to be allowed to submit them to only three of the Directors. The chairman, deputy, and Mr. Becher were appointed to confer with him, and they reported (Mr. Becher, however, not concurring) that they had seen Mr. Hastings' instructions in his own handwriting, declaring that he would resign if conditions (" of which," they add, "there is no probability") could not be obtained; that Mr. G. Vansittart declared that he was present when the instructions were given, and that Mr. Stuart declared that Mr. Hastings had told him he had given them. It was then unanimously resolved,

8 See p. 28.

107

that the resignation should be accepted, and Mr. Wheeler was nominated to fill the vacant place in the council, and the consent of the crown to the appointment was obtained.

On the 19th June, 1777, the intelligence reached Bengal. Hastings immediately declared that he had not resigned, and would not resign; Clavering maintained that he himself was now governorgeneral: Barwell adhered to the one, Francis to the other. There were two councils and two governors-general. Orders and counter-orders were issued. There seemed to be no mode of decision but an appeal to force; when Hastings proposed, and the other party agreed to leave the matter to the decision of the judges of the Supreme Court. This decision was, as in justice it must have been, in favour of Hastings; for, in the Directors' letter, his resignation was spoken of not as a thing that had occurred, but which was expected to occur; and Gen. Clavering had no right whatever to assume the office till Hastings had formally resigned it to him. But in their mutual desire of annoying each other, neither party thought much of what was right and proper.

This soon appeared by the way in which Hastings used his victory. He and Barwell immediately passed a series of violent and absurd resolutions, declaring that Gen. Clavering, by his late usurpation, had forfeited his office of senior councillor, and his place of commander-in-chief, &c. Mr. Francis tried to act as mediator, and exhibited on the occasion a good deal of sense and judgment; but Hastings would listen to no arguments. The judges were again appealed to, and they again decided agreeably to laws and justice, declaring that Gen. Clavering had not forfeited his offices. Hastings was obliged to yield to this authority : but Barwell soon obtained the post he coveted, for Gen. Clavering died in August, his death being, as it was thought, accelerated by the irritation of his mind, caused by the constant state of warfare in which he was kept; for he seems to have been in the main an honest well-meaning man. Mr. Wheeler now came into the council, and, as he usually sided with Francis, the council was divided as heretofore.

One of the first acts of Hastings, after the death of Col. Monson, had been to remove Mr. Bristow from the residency of Oude, and re-appoint his friend Middleton. He owned he had no fault to find with Mr. Bristow : and the act need not be too severely censured, as it was merely what takes place in a change of ministry at home. Hastings at the same time reversed another appointment of the majority by recalling Mr. F. Fowke, who had been placed as a kind of resident at Benâres in 1775. His pretext was, that the mission had been special, and that its purposes had been accomplished. Next day, however, he moved, and, of course, carried a resolution, that a civil servant of the Company's, with an assistant, should be sent to reside at Benâres! The name of the former was Graham, of the latter Barwell. Justly might Gen. Clavering, in his minute, call this "a vindictive measure, couched under the appearance of a public service." The Directors expressed their strong disapprobation of these measures, and ordered both those gentlemen to be re-instated; but Hastings took no heed of their commands. Here again we are not to condemn him too unconditionally;

the majority in the Direction were his personal enemies, and were glad of any opportunity of mortifying him; and it was to the Proprietors, and not to the Directors, that he looked for support and approbation.

Soon after Mr. Wheeler took his seat in council, Mr. Hastings laid before the Board a letter from the young Nabob, complaining of Mohammed Reza Khân's severity, and praying that, as he was now twenty years old, he might be allowed to administer his own government and affairs. Francis Francis and Wheeler said, as that regulation had been made by the Company, the letter should be transmitted to the Directors; Hastings and Barwell maintained that justice admitted of no delay. Each party on this occasion used the arguments of their opponents on the subject in 1775. The prayer of the Nabob was granted; and then letters came from him requesting that Munnee Begum should have the management of the Nizâmut, without the interference of any person. Accordingly Goordass and others were reinstated in their offices, and their united salaries came to 18,000 rupees more than Mohammed Reza Khân had received, and the affairs of the country soon fell into a precious state of confusion. A due regard for his own character, and the opinion of the world, would have withheld a man of more prudence than Mr. Hastings from engaging in such a business as this 9.

Strange quarrels and as strange reconciliations take place among public men ; we need not therefore be surprised to find Hastings and Francis reconciled. The occasion was as follows. Mr. Barwell, who had made a large fortune in India, where he had spent three and twenty years, was anxious to return to Europe, and Hastings would thus lose his main support; for though Sir Eyre Coote, who had come out as commander-in-chief with a seat in council, voted in general with the governor, he was a crotchety man, and could not always be relied on. It was, therefore, natural that Hastings should wish to soften down the enmity of Francis, who on his part was anxious to see Barwell depart from India, where he still lingered at the earnest wish of Hastings. An arrangement was effected by which, on the governor's agreeing to re-instate Bristow, Fowke, and Mohammed Reza Khân, Francis engaged not to oppose him in certain important matters. Barwell then set sail for Europe.

Mr.

Soon after this a compromise was effected with the chief-justice, which put an end to pretensions of the Supreme Court, which had threatened to ruin the whole of.Bengal.

When the Supreme Court was instituted it was given most extensive power. It was a court of common law and of equity, of oyer and terminer, and gaol delivery, of admiralty and ecclesiastic affairs. Its criminal jurisdiction, however, was confined to British subjects, or to those in their service; its civil, to those and to such of the natives as had agreed to submit to its decision.

The division of labour among the members of the English bar is very complete; the man who

9" We always have, and always shall consider a letter of business from that Nabob, the same as a letter from the Governor-general and the Council," said the Judges of the Supreme Court, in 1775.

practises in one court rarely enters another. To find men possessing the knowledge requisite for the judges of the Supreme Court, and with minds sufficiently enlarged to believe that there might be something agreeable to reason, and adapted to the state of the country and of society in India in the native laws, was no doubt nearly impossible. It is probable, however, that the ministry gave themselves little trouble on this head; and the men that had interest got the appointments without any great regard to their fitness. Four more unfit men certainly could not have been selected. They were perfect specimens of the narrow-minded, self-sufficient, domineering English lawyer, who, regarding the law of England as being what lawyers, and lawyers alone, proclaim it to be—the perfection of reason,-and holding every other system in sovereign contempt, would force it and their own authority on all those whom, by any legal quirks and subtleties, they could draw within its sphere. When such were the judges, and when we add that a host of attorneys came to India in their train, the reader may be prepared for the results that followed.

We have seen an instance of their criminal justice in the case of Nundcomar. In civil matters they had hardly commenced their duties, when their writs flew about in all directions; zemindars, and other persons residing at a distance, were ousted on the oath of any person, however mean and discreditable, dragged up to Calcutta, and if they could not give bail, often to a large amount, flung into the noisome prison of that city. Gloom overspread the whole country; the English law, with all its dark enigmas and inconceivable technicalities, hanging over it like a murky cloud. The revenue seemed about to cease altogether; for the authority of the zemindar was subverted, and the ryot withheld his rent. The provincial courts of Dewannee Adawlut were also rendered inoperative; for there were attorneys everywhere to advise the defaulters who were brought before them to sue out a writ of habeas corpus in the Supreme Court.

The Nizâmut, or penal jurisdiction exercised in the name of the Nabob, the Supreme Court disdained to recognize. "The Act of Parliament,” said one judge, "does not consider him as a sovereign prince; the jurisdiction of this court extends over all his dominions." "This phantom, this man of straw," said another, "it is an insult to the understanding of the Court to have made the question of his sovereignty." As to the Dewannee of the Company, one of the judges declared that there could be no distinction in law or justice between the Company, as a trading Company, and as Dewan of these provinces, and that in their management of the revenues they were subject to the jurisdiction of the king's court. Thus, in effect, did those four presumptuous, inflated men, assume to themselves the government of the three provinces.

We will now give some specimens of their proceedings. On the 2nd January, 1777, a suit commenced before the Provincial Council of Patna, between the widow and the nephew and adopted son of a Mohammedan of rank and property. The widow produced a will in her favour, the nephew maintained it was a forgery, and that at all events his uncle had been for some time of weak intellect. The case was, in the usual manner, referred to the

A. D. 1780.

Câzee and other fit persons to investigate and report on. Their opinion was, that neither party had established their claims; and they recommended that the estate should be divided, the widow, as was the law, to get a fourth, and the remainder to go to the brother of the deceased, namely, the father of the nephew. This was done, the widow giving every opposition in her power, and finally refusing to accept her share, or give up the title-deeds which she had secured. The nephew petitioned the council; and the Câzee and Muftees were directed to use measures to force her to compliance; and they set a guard over her, according to the rule of Mohammedan law.

The widow now was advised to bring an action in the Supreme Court against the nephew, the Câzee, and the Muftees; and she laid her damages at 600,000 rupees. The nephew was pronounced subject to the jurisdiction of the Court; for, as a renter, it was asserted he was a servant of the Company. The plea of the others, that they had acted in obedience of their lawful superiors, was answered by the legal maxim, Delegatus non potest delegare. They were arrested; judgment was given against them, damages 300,000 rupees with costs; they were brought to Calcutta (the Câzee, an old man, dying on the way) and thrown into prison, where they remained till released by Parliament, in 1781. The widow also obtained 15,000 rupees damages against Mr. Law and two other members of the council of Patna ; which money was paid by the Company.

In September, 1777, an attorney at Dacca proceeded to arrest the dewan of the foujdar, at the suit of a common pyke, who had been confined for a misdemeanour and had brought his action for | false imprisonment. His bailiff, who produced no warrant, having been repelled, he himself, attended by a parcel of his followers, went to the house of the foujdar, broke open the gates, and forced his way in. in. A scuffle ensued, in which the attorney himself shot the foujdar with a pistol in the body. One of the judges wrote to the military officer at Dacca, highly commending the conduct of the attorney, and requiring him to give him assistance. The Provincial Council gave bail for the dewan.

At length the Supreme Court and the government came into direct collision. Cossinât Baboo, a wealthy native, brought an action against the rajah of Cossijura, and a capias was issued. The rajah, however, had absconded; a writ was then issued to sequester his property, and the sheriff's officer, attended by about sixty Sepoys and armed seamen, proceeded to execute it. They broke into the house, forced their way into the zenana, or woman's apartment, so sacred in the East, and arrested the rajah's dewan. The government, however, acting on the opinion of Sir John Day, their legal adviser, that zemindars were not subject to the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court, had given orders to Col. Achmuty to send soldiers and seize the whole party, which was done. Notice was then given by the government to all zemindars and landholders, directing them not in any way to recognize the authority of the Supreme Court over them. The Court, in return, prepared to issue attachments against the officer commanding the military party, Mr. Naylor, the Company's attorney, and others, and even the governor-general and Mr. Barwell. Cossinât Baboo, at the same time,

109

brought an action of trespass against the governor and council. They refused to plead; the Court grew furious, and declared that they would proceed in the case as in any similar one. Men's minds were in expectation of something direful, when suddenly the storm dispelled: Cossinât Baboo, no one then could tell why, discontinued all legal proceedings against the rajah and all others.

A measure was effected very soon after, which may throw some light on that transaction. The courts of Dewannee Adawlut, it was said, had proved inconvenient and even dangerous, and the court of Suddur Dewannee Adawlut had never been brought into operation. Hastings then proposed to the council that the constitution of this court should be changed, and the chief justice be vested with its powers, to hold them during the pleasure of the governor and council. A large salary was of course to be annexed, and Hastings expressed his belief that this "would prove an instrument of conciliation between the council and the court;" that is, that the chief justice, when thus holding office and salary at their will, would never dare to oppose them. Francis and Wheeler of course disagreed with the governor-general, and their arguments were cogent and well-founded. But Hastings was a more practical statesman, and he knew the man he had to deal with; for Sir Elijah Impey saw at once the great advantages of the plan, and willingly consented to accept the office with a salary of 60,000 sicca rupees, and 7200 as rent for an office; thus, for paltry lucre, freely giving up all claim to respect, and all chance of his preceding conduct being judged charitably. He did not even long enjoy his new office : for in May, 1782, an address to the Crown for his recal, on account of it, was voted by the House of Commons, and he was menaced with an impeachment 1o.

Throughout the whole of this contest with the judges the conduct of Hastings is entitled to praise. The last measure must make necessity its plea for justification.

In

Before the arrangement with the chief justice was completed, Mr. Francis quitted India, where his presence had certainly produced little good. It seems to us almost certain, that in the arrangement made previous to the departure of Mr. Barwell, he had promised to give the governor no opposition on the subject of the Maratta war. fact, if he did not, Hastings must have conceded every thing and he nothing. Hastings asserted that he had, Francis denied it; and the result was, that one day, when the council had risen, Mr. Francis requested a private interview with the governor. They retired, and he then handed him a written challenge. Hastings accepted it; and two mornings after (July 17, 1780,) they met and exchanged shots. Francis was wounded in the side, but not dangerously. In the following month of December he sailed for England.

10 His successor was the learned, accomplished, and virtuous Sir William Jones. What a contrast!

CHAPTER XVI.

Affairs of the Marattas-Treaty of Poorundur-Capitulation at Wargâm-March of Col. Goddard-Takes Scindia's Camp-Exploits of Capt. Popham-Capture of GwaliorOf Bassein-Ascent of the Ghâts Treaties with the Marattas.

HAVING brought the affairs of Bengal down thus far, we must now occupy ourselves for some time with those of the other two presidencies, commencing with that of Bombay, which had hitherto engaged little in the game of Indian politics.

This presidency was quite surrounded by the dominions of the Marattas. These comprised the original Maratta state, of which Sattâra and Poona were the capitals; Berar and Orissa, held by the family of Ragujee Bôsla; the possessions of Morari Râo in the South, and those of Holkar and Scindia in Malwa, and Gûzerât ruled by the Guicawar family.

This

On the death of the Peishwa, Balajee Râo, leaving two sons, Madhoo Râo and Narrain Râo, both minors, the power of the state was for some years wielded by his brother Ragonath Râo, commonly called Ragoba, as regent. After some time Madhoo was enabled to take the reins of government into his own hands. But he died in 1772, and was succeeded by his brother Narrain. prince, however, was shortly after murdered in consequence of a plot which Ragoba, though without intending such a consummation, had formed against him. Ragoba then was acknowledged as Peishwa; but it appeared soon after, that the widow of Narrain was with child. The ministers of the late Peishwa proclaimed the event, and carried her to the fort of Poorundur for safety. Ragoba, who was absent, endeavouring to obtain arrears of chout from Hyder Ally, and Mohammed Ally, returned with his army and defeated that of the ministers; but hearing that Holkar and Scindia had been gained by them, he took panic and fled to Gûzerât. The widow was delivered of a son, who was generally acknowledged as Peishwa (May 1774).

Ragoba now addressed himself to the English at Bombay, who readily listened to his overtures; for they were very anxious to obtain possession of the isle of Salsette, of Bassein, and some other places in their neighbourhood, which the Marattas had taken from the Portuguese. They had already offered the Maratta government, in exchange for them, Baroach (which they had lately seized) and some places on the coast, but to no purpose. While they were now in treaty with Ragoba, they learned from Goa, that the Portuguese were fitting out an expedition for their recovery. They therefore hesitated no longer, but, signifying both to Ragoba and to the government at Poona. that it was merely a matter of precaution, they landed troops in Salsette, and having réduced the fort of Tanna, became masters of the island. Ragoba, however, did not appear at all inclined to cede this place; but he and his allies from Gûzerât having sustained a defeat from the troops of the ministers, he was glad to get the aid of the English on any terms, and on the 6th March, 1775, a treaty was

See p. 48.

concluded by which he yielded up Salsette and Bassein, with the Maratta share of the revenue of Surat, Baroach, and other places. He was also to bear the expenses of the troops sent to his aid, to pay other sums of money, &c. &c.

Matters being thus arranged, Ragoba, who was in the vicinity of Cambay, was joined on the 19th April by a force of 580 Europeans and 1560 native troops, with a train of artillery under Col. Keating, It then moved southwards; and on the 18th May it encountered the troops of the ministers, and, owing to a panic caused by a mistake made by an officer of the grenadiers, the British lost seven officers, eighty Europeans, and two hundred Sepoys, and want of cavalry prevented their deriving the due advantage from their victory. As Ragoba's own troops refused to cross the Nerbudda till their arrears of pay were discharged, and as the rains were at hand, the troops were put into quarters about fifty miles north of Baroach.

The government of Bengal, to which the other presidencies were now subordinate, had highly disapproved of the treaty with Ragoba. Hastings proposed that it should be cancelled and the troops withdrawn, except under certain circumstances. But the majority ordered the withdrawal of the troops at once, provided it would be safe; and then having condemned the government of Bombay for taking part with one side, they took the other, voting that a negotiation should be opened with the ministers in order to obtain Salsette and Bassein. They resolved to send for this purpose an agent of their own. Hastings proposed Col. Dow, they named Col. Upton. The latter, of course, was appointed, and he set out for Poona on the 17th July. The government of Bombay sent Mr. Tayler, a member of council, to Calcutta, to try to obtain aid in men and money; and it was Hastings' opinion, that they should be supported, but the majority were inexorable.

Col. Upton did not reach Poona till the beginning of January, 1776. The ministers assumed a high tone with him; they asked why the government of Bengal, which so strongly condemned the war, should seek to avail themselves of the advantages of it. They finally declared that they knew of no alternative but war. On the receipt of this intelligence, the government of Bengal resolved (March 7) to make the most vigorous preparations But soon after (April 1) came a for the conflict. letter from Col. Upton, to say that the ministers had yielded, and that a treaty was in progress. The English renounced their claim on Bassein, of which they never, it appeared, had had possession, and were confirmed in that of Salsette, and the little islands about it. Altogether, the treaty named of Poorundur, was far less advantageous than that with Ragoba; and, strange enough, just as it was concluded, came the Directors' letter approving of that treaty.

Matters remained tolerably tranquil till_1778, when intelligence came of the arrival of a French ship in one of the Maratta ports, having on board a French agent, who had proceeded to Poona, where he was received with much favour. This proved to be an adventurer, already well known in India. He called himself the chevalier St. Lubin, and he had persuaded the minister of marine that he could effect much by means of the Marattas. While the government of Bengal was deliberating

A. D. 1779-80.

on the best course to pursue, a split in the ministry at Poona occurred, and one party, headed by Succaram Baboo, declared for Ragoba. The Presidency of Bombay was empowered to treat with them, and a new arrangement was made, by which Ragoba was to act as regent, in the name of the young Peishwa. But the party of Siccaram Baboo soon appeared so strong, that it seemed likely to be able to dispense with Ragoba and the English. Scindia, however, threw his weight into the opposite scale, and the party, headed by Nana Furnovees, became ascendant; and their rivals now called on the English.

A division of the army which had been assembled, was immediately sent forward. It consisted of about 4500 men, under the command of Col. Egerton, an inefficient officer; and to make matters worse, Mr. Mostyn, late resident at Poona, and Mr. Carnac, a member of Council, were sent as field-deputies, who, with the commander, were to form a committee for controlling all matters. They set out about the beginning of December, advanced slowly through the Côncan, and on the 23rd they had ascended the Ghât, and reached Condola. They were now within about thirty-five miles of Poona, for which place they set out on the 4th January, 1779, with provisions for twenty-five days. Mr. Mostyn, from illness, returned to Bombay; and the same cause obliged Col. Egerton to resign the command to Col. Cockburn, though he still continued to act in committee. On the 9th (for they moved at a snail's pace) they were within sixteen miles of Poona, where they found an army prepared to oppose them. Ragoba had sought to impress them with the necessity of gaining some advantage, in order to induce his friends to declare for them; but now, on its being announced that there were only provisions for eighteen days remaining, and on Cockburn's asserting that he could not protect the baggage, without a body of horse, the committee resolved to retreat! On the night of the 11th, having thrown the heavy guns into a tank, and burnt the stores, the army commenced this disgraceful movement. They thought to have gone off unobserved; but before daybreak the enemy was upon them, and continued to harass them till four in the afternoon of the second day (13th), when they reached Wargâm. Here the commander-in-chief declared that it was impossible to bring back the army to Bombay. Capt. Hartley, who had commanded the rear, proposed a plan by which it might be effected, but in vain; it was resolved to negotiate. The surrender of Ragoba was made a preliminary; this they agreed to; but he had already secured himself with Scindia. In fine, a treaty was concluded, by which Salsette and the other places were to be restored, the march of the troops that were coming from Bengal to be stopped, Baroach to be given up to Scindia, and two gentlemen left as hostages. On these terms the army was allowed to depart. The Directors, when they heard of this disgraceful affair, dismissed, and most justly, Egerton and Cockburn from their service, and degraded Mr. Carnac.

When the government of Bengal was informed by that of Bombay of the proposals made for the restoration of Ragoba, aware that war had now broken out between France and England, and that it was therefore of the utmost consequênce to destroy the French influence at Poona, they autho

111

rised them to join in the plan, and promised to assist them with men and money. With this view a detachment, commanded by Col. Leslie, was assembled at Calpee, in order to be sent to Bombay. On the 19th May it commenced its march; but Leslie, instead of advancing, as he was directed, with as much speed as possible, actually wasted four months in Bundelcund, trying to make up the quarrels in the family of the rajah, and negotiate useless treaties. In consequence of this "wild conduct," as Hastings terms it, the board unanimously agreed to recal him (October 9), and give the command to Lieut.-Col. Goddard, a man of a very different character2, who marched without delay for the Nerbudda, where he was to enter the dominions of Moodajee, the ruler of Berar. For Hastings had long been in treaty with this chief, with the design of aiding him to obtain the office of rajah of Sattâra, as being of the family of Sevajee.

On the 1st of December Goddard crossed the Nerbudda. He found that Moodajee was not inclined to contract any engagement, but that he would act in a friendly manner. He there received letters from Bombay urging him to advance without loss of time. He set out on the 16th of January (1779), and on the 22nd he was at Charwa, on the road to Bûrhanpûr. Here he received letters from the committee of the Bombay army dated the 11th, telling him not to advance, and one next day from Bombay, urging him to it. Though perplexed he went on, and on the 30th he reached Burhanpûr. On the 6th of February, having received certain intelligence of the disaster of the Bombay army, he marched for Surat. By the celerity of his movements he escaped a body of 20,000 horse sent from Poona to intercept him; and by the discipline which he maintained the people of the country were induced to stay in their houses and supply the army with all it required. all it required. He reached Surat on the 30th 3 whence he proceeded to Bombay; and though his troops were not to be placed under the orders of that presidency, but to be solely under the authority of the Supreme Council, he was requested to sit with the council, and recommended for the post of commander-in-chief.

Mr. Hornby the governor refused to ratify the convention of the 11th of January. In this he was perfectly justified, for the committee had clearly stated that they had not power to conclude a definitive treaty; but he was willing to ratify the treaty with Scindia. On both points the Supreme Council agreed with him. The good sense, moderation, and dignity shown by Hastings in his conduct toward the Bombay authorities who had committed such gross errors, do him great honour. No taunts, no insults, no reproaches escaped his lips or his pen.

Early in 1780, Goddard (now a general,) put his troops in motion, and on the 15th of February he took Ahmedabâd in Gûzerât by assault. Meantime Scindia and Holkar were advancing with 40,000 men towards Surat. By rapid marches Goddard arrived on the 8th of March in the vicinity of their camp and was preparing to attack 2 Leslie died a few days after. Hastings speaks of his "sordid disposition, and morose and disgusting manners." 3 This was the first British force that marched across India.