A. D. 1811. CAPTURE OF JAVA-DECOITY. On the 1st June, 1811, the troops intended for the expedition were assembled at Malacca under the command of Sir Samuel Achmuty; Lord Minto had accompanied those from Bengal, but only, as he expressed it, as a volunteer. On the 4th August it anchored in the bay of Batavia. It consisted of 12,000 men, half English, half Indian; the Dutch troops in the island, native and European, were about 17,000, of which Gen. Jansens, the governor, had posted 13,000 in the lines of Cornelis, a strong position eight miles from Batavia. The landing was effected without opposition, and the city of Batavia submitted (7th); and thence on the third day the troops marched for Cornelis. On the way they found a portion of the Dutch army strongly posted; but they were unable to withstand the charge of the British, and they broke and fled, their loss being very severe. The British followed them to Cornelis. Here the main body of the enemy lay in an entrenched camp between two rivers, protected in front and rear by batteries and redoubts mounting 280 pieces of artillery. The situation was so strong, that Gen. Jansens had no doubt but that he would be able to hold out till the rainy season should arrive, and sickness oblige the English to retire. Ground was broken as before a fortress (20th), and batteries were erected and a heavy cannonade was carried on for some days; but it soon became apparent that the place must be carried by storm, if a tedious course of warfare was to be avoided. It was, therefore, resolved that a division under Col. Gillespie should make an attempt to carry the bridge over the river Slokan, and the redoubt in front of it, while two other attacks should be made on the enemy's lines in front and rear. On the night of the 26th, Col. Gillespie set out; as he had to take a round through an intricate country it was almost daylight when he came near the redoubt. He then discovered that the rear division had fallen behind; but instead of waiting for it he resolved to advance at once, trusting that the noise of the firing would bring it up. The redoubt and bridge were speedily carried, the rear-guard came up as was expected; other redoubts to the right and left were carried also; the division which was acting in front forced their way in; all resistance was.speedily overcome, and the enemy fled, pursued by Col. Gillespie with the dragoons and horse artillery for a space of ten miles. The British loss was nearly 900 killed and wounded, including 85 officers. The enemy had, it is said, upwards of 1500 slain, and 6000 were made prisoners. That day decided the fate of Java; for though Gen. Jansens attempted to make another stand in the. eastern part of the island, he was forced to capitulate, and Java became a British possession. Lord Minto then returned to Bengal, having committed the government of Java to Mr. (afterwards Sir Stamford) Raffles, under whom it attained a degree of quiet and prosperity, such as it had never before enjoyed. During the remainder of the period of Lord Minto's government, his attention was devoted to the internal improvement of the country. Of the measures adopted we can only mention those for the suppression of Decoity, or gang-robbery, which had of late increased to an alarming extent. The Decoits bore an extraordinary resemblance 157 to the Whitefeet, Ribbonmen, and suchlike of Ireland, with the exception that their chief object was plunder. They formed a society, the chief members of which were fully known only to their sirdars or chiefs. During the day they worked like the rest of the people at trades or agriculture; at night they repaired with arms to the place appointed: the number of a gang varied from ten to sixty, according to circumstances. Having made an offering to Durga, the goddess of thieves, they blackened their faces or put on masks, and then marched with lighted torches to the village where they proposed to rob some money-changer or shopkeeper, or to take vengeance on some one who had given information against a member of their society. On entering the village they fired a shot as a signal for the villagers to keep at home. They then surrounded the house of their victim, which some of them entered. Unless it was a case of vengeance, or that they met with resistance, they seldom committed murder; but the tortures which they inflicted in order to get information where property was concealed were appalling and often caused death. They then retired, and in the morning were seen about their usual avocations. Though the peasantry often knew well who were Decoits, they feared to give information, and fear or corruption also restrained the police. government, by improving the efficacy of the police, and by rendering more certain the rewards for information, succeeded in giving a great check to Decoity. In the province of Bundwân, of which Mr. Butterworth Bayley was made magistrate in 1810, the practice was almost totally suppressed within a few months by having recourse to the ancient police system of the country: but this example was not followed, for our Indian governments are in general too full of their own wisdom to adopt the usages of the Hindoos. The While such was the course of affairs in India, the question of the renewal of the Company's charter was agitated in England, and the cupidity and selfishness of the various parties was displaying itself under the garb of philanthropy, and regard for the public interest. Toward the end of 1808, Mr. Dundas wrote to the Directors, to know if they wished the question of the Charter to be brought before Parliament. In their reply they asserted the right of the Company to its territorial possessions, and expressed an expectation that they would be allowed to increase their dividends, and that the country would aid them to liquidate their debt. They said nothing about their exclusive privilege, but seemed to take it for granted that it would be continued. We thus see that they had a view to their peculiar interests. Mr. Dundas in reply denied their right to the territory of India; thought that any surplus revenue should go first to the liquidation of the debt rather than the increase of dividends, and added that the charter would only be renewed on condition of the merchants and manufacturers of Great Britain being allowed to trade in ships of their own to all places within the limits of the Company's exclusive trade, China excepted. This system the Directors pronounced to be ruinous to the Company and country alike, and hinted that they would not seek a renewal of the Charter. Matters remained thus till toward the end of 1811, when the court, in reply to a letter from Mr. Dundas (now Lord Melville), agreed to open the trade, and in April 1812, they petitioned for a renewal of their charter, on these terms. It is probable that the chief opponents of the Company had on this, as on former occasions, been the merchants of London; for though exports were to he permitted from all the ports, the imports were all to be brought to the capital, the merchants and shipowners of which expected to derive thence great advantages. But Liverpool, Bristol, and the other out-ports as they are named, claimed the right of import also, and sent up delegates to London; and petitions to parliament against the Company's monopoly poured in from every trading and manufacturing town in the empire. as hard a battle as they could; Warren Hastings, and many other distinguished men who had been in India, asserted the danger of the proposed measures: but the pressure from without was too strong for the ministry to resist it, and by the bill passed in July, 1813, for the renewal of the Company's charter, the trade of the East, with the exception of that to China, was thrown open to the merchants of Great Britain. As most of the witnesses had expressed their apprehension of the evils likely to arise from the great influx of European colonists into India, and their oppression and robbery of the natives, the power of granting licenses for residence was reserved to the Company 1. But there was another party in the country who acted on far purer and higher motives than merchants, and whom the ministers found it necessary to conciliate. The greater part of the last century had been a period of extreme religious laxity; but the serious tone induced by the awful war in which England was engaged with the French republic, had led men's minds to think more deeply on the subject of religion; and numbers, both of the clergy and laity, had returned to the sterner faith held by the reformers, and from which the Church of England in general had departed. This party now It is actually amusing to view the brilliant prospects that are held forth by commercial men, when their object is the extension of their own trade ; and how utterly heedless they are of the interests, not merely of strangers, but of other classes of their countrymen; they drive on their free-trade car like that of Juggernâth, crushing all before it 9. But their anticipations are rarely, or never verified; they have not in general accurate notions of the real condition of other countries, and of the disturbing causes likely to arise; and, strange as it may appear, they are as much under the in-held many seats in parliament; and as their prinfluence of imagination as poets or lovers. Owing, perhaps, to want of regular education, and of correct taste, they love to indulge in figures of speech, and their language teems with personifications. The following extract, which Thornton gives from a petition from Sheffield at this time, will illustrate what we have stated. "If the trade of this United Kingdom were permitted to flow unimpeded over those extensive, luxuriant, and opulent regions, though it might in the outset, like a torrent repressed and swoln by obstructions, when its sluices were first opened break forth with uncontrollable impetuosity, deluging, instead of supplying the district before it; yet that very violence, which at the beginning might be partially injurious, would in the issue prove highly and permanently beneficial: no part being unvisited, the waters of commerce that spread over the face of the land, as they subsided would wear themselves channels, through which they might continue to flow ever afterwards, in regular and fertilizing streams." The simple meaning of this sonorous rhapsody is, that though they might at first glut (as they know they would) the new markets, yet things might end in the establishment of a regular trade. But such high-flown language from the cutlers of Sheffield ! Whatever we may think of the language, the reasoning, and the motives of the members of commercial leagues of this kind, it seems certain that in this country they are tolerably sure to carry their point; and there only remains for those who see their objects, to smile at their disappointed expectations. The Company, on this occasion, made 9 As an instance of the justice and philanthropy of manufacturers, we may take the trade in cotton-goods. While Manchester and other towns were struggling in the formation of silk and cotton-manufactories, they were protected by a duty of seventy or eighty per cent. ad valorem, in some cases by a total prohibition, against the competition of India, on which their goods have since been forced without any duty at all, nearly to the ruin of the native artizans. ciples led them to regard salvation as confined to the holders of certain tenets, they became anxious for the spiritual welfare of their brethren in India, and for the conversion of the benighted natives. Their cause was ably advocated by Mr. Wilberforce in the House of Commons; and by a clause in the bill, it was resolved to appoint a bishop and three archdeacons, to superintend the chaplains of the different settlements in India; and the entrance of missionaries into that country was to be facilitated. Lord Minto had written in 1811, expressing his wish to leave India in January, 1814. The ministry, who with wonderful self-denial had allowed one connected with the party opposed to them in politics, to retain for so long a time so high and lucrative an office, could refrain no longer. The Earl of Moira, a nobleman high in the favour and confidence of the Prince Regent, partly from ambition, and partly, we believe, from narrowness of circumstances, was covetous of the government of India, and the Directors were forced to appoint him. As he was a military man, he was, like Lord Cornwallis, made also commander-in-chief, to increase his authority and his emoluments. Lord Minto quitted India toward the close of 1813, and he died the year of his return to England. His character stands high among those of 1 European colonisation is a great panacea with Mill for the evils of India. He expatiates on the advantages which might be derived "from a body of English gentlemen, who, if they had been encouraged to settle as owners of land, and as manufacturers and merchants, would at this time have been distributed in great numbers in India." "The permission," says Wilson, "has been now granted them for several years, and where is the numerous body of respectable English landholders, who are to render inestimable services to the government, in preserving the peace of the country?” -one of Mill's predictions. On another place Wilson observes; "An importance is here attached to the admirable effects of colonisation, which it is safe prophecy to foretel will never be realised; for colonisation never will, never can take place." LORD MOIRA reached Calcutta early in October, 1813. In the course of the following year he had to engage in war with a people with whom the British had as yet had few relations. The kingdom of Nepâl is a valley, bounded on the south by the last and lowest range of the Himalaya mountains, by a loftier range of which on the north it is separated from Tibet. Its people are mostly of the Bhôt, or Tibetian race; but Hindoo colonies had settled in it, and their rajahs had made themselves sovereigns of the country. About the middle of the 18th century, the chief of a mountain tribe named the Goorkha, taking advantage of the feuds of the rajahs, made himself master of Nepal, and transmitted the sovereignty to his family. As the dominions of the Goorkha princes extended for a length of 700 miles along the British frontier, from the province of Delhi to that of Purneah, in Bengal, and they were of a restless, encroaching disposition, they had so early as 1785 begun to appropriate portions of the British territory. Frequent remonstrances were made, but to little purpose; and in 1809 it was found necessary to employ force, to drive them out of some lands they had seized. The encroachments, however, were continued, and even on a greater scale; all attempts at negotiation failed; and in 1814 both sides prepared for war. Some of the wiser Goorkha chiefs advised accommodation; but Bhim Sah, who as regent governed for the rajah, who was a minor, was resolved to try the fate of arms. His reliance was on the valour of his regular troops, though only 12,000 in number, the strength and difficulty of the country, the ignorance of the British respecting it, and their want of experience in mountain-warfare. troops, The first question with Lord Moira was, whether the war should be defensive or offensive; and for obvious reasons the latter mode was preferred. The next was, whether the British troops should in one large body enter Nepal, and march direct for Khatmandu, the capital, or make simultaneous attacks on the long line of the Goorkha conquests. In the former case, great and almost insuperable difficulties were apprehended in marching, and obtaining supplies for a large body of men in so rugged a country; while in the latter, it was to be expected that the chiefs and their people, who had been so recently subjugated, would take part with the British. The latter plan, therefore, was adopted; and it was determined to make the attack 159 with four divisions, on different points of the frontier. The first division, under Gen. Ochterlony, composed of 6000 men, was to act against the extreme west of the Goorkha line. The second, of 3500 men, under Gen. (late Col.) Gillespie, was to move more eastwards, and advance against Jytak, one of the principal fortresses of the enemy in those parts; the third, of 4500 men, under Gen. J. S. Wood, was to march from the frontier of Gorukhpûr for the fortress of Palpa; while the fourth, and largest, of about 8000 men, under Gen. Marley, was to advance by Mawanpûr, direct on Khatmandu. The second division was the first to take the field. On the 19th October, its advance marched from Saharanpûr, and the main body followed on the 22nd. They moved through the Doon, or valley of Dehra, and came before the fort of Kalunga, only five miles from that Doon, situated on a steep detached hill. The fort was of stone, and quadrangular, and in the usual Goorkha manner strengthened by stockades. Its garrison consisted of 600 Goorkhas, under a gallant chief, who returned a bold defiance to the summons to surrender. Cannon having been drawn up, and a battery erected, it was resolved to storm (31st). The troops were divided into four columns, and a reserve; and it was intended to assail the four sides of the fort simultaneously. But three of the columns having to make a circuit, had not arrived when the signal was given, and a sally of the garrison having been repelled by the remaining column, Gen. Gillespie thinking the place might be carried by escalade, ordered the men to advance to the assault. But the fire of the fort proved too severe, and they were forced to retire. Gen. Gillespie then crying that he would take the fort or lose his life, put himself at the head of the remainder of the column, and advanced against the gate. The men, however, hung back; and as their gallant leader was waving his sword to encourage them, a ball from the fort shot him through the heart. A retreat was then ordered, and the troops withdrew to Dehra, to wait for a battering-train from Delhi. When the train arrived (Nov. 24), the troops, led by Col. Mawbey, marched once more for Kalunga. A breach having been effected (27th), a storm was attempted, but it was repelled with loss, the number of the killed and wounded exceeding that of the garrison. Recourse was now had to bombardment; and as the interior of the fort afforded no shelter, the garrison was reduced in three days to seventy men, with whom the commandant fled from the place. The gallant defence of Kalunga greatly raised the courage of the Goorkhas, and had a material influence on the future events of the war, which might have been averted had Gen. Gillespie acted with common prudence, instead of headlong rashness. The troops now moved westwards, and came within a few miles of the town of Nâhan, to the north of which the fort of Jytak lay, on the point where two mountain-ridges met. Here they were joined (Dec. 20) by Gen. Martindell, who took the command; and having occupied Nâhan, he advanced to the foot of the range on which Jytak stood. The ascent was extremely steep and rugged, and defended by stockades at various points. As it appeared that the garrison obtained their water from wells at some distance from the fort, it was resolved to attempt to deprive them of it, and at the same time to carry a strong stockade, erected for the defence of the water. Two columns were formed; one under Major Ludlow, to move against the stockade, on the nearest side; the other, under Major Richards, to make a détour, and attack it in the rear. Both, however, met with ill-success; the first was driven back by the enemy; the second, having taken a position near the wells, gallantly maintained it against all the efforts of the garrison, until their ammunition was nearly expended, when they retreated by orders of Gen. Martindell, though Major Richards was confident, that if furnished with supplies he could have held the post. All military operations were now suspended in this quarter. Gen. Ochterlony, who was opposed to Amar Sing Thapa, the ablest of the Goorkha leaders, was more cautious and judicious in his movements. This country being very mountainous, Amar Sing had constructed three strong stone forts on the mountain-ranges, each as usual supported by strong stockades. The first which the British troops came before (Nov. 2), named Nalagurh, surrendered when cannonaded. They then advanced against Ramgurh, which stood on a higher range. Amar Sing came to its aid with 3000 regular troops, and encamped with his right on the fort, and his left and front protected by stockades. Gen. Ochterlony deeming the front too strong, moved round their left to take them in the rear. receiving intelligence of the second repulse at Kalunga, fearing its moral effect on the troops on both sides, he resolved to wait for reinforcements, employing himself meantime in gaining information, and preparing for further operations. When the expected troops arrived (Dec. 27) he resumed the offensive, and by judicious movements in the direction of Malân, he drew the enemy from Ramgurh, and other posts, which were then occupied by the British. The severity of the weather and the ruggedness of the country impeded him so much, that he was not able to attempt any thing against Malân till the spring. But on The third division did not move till the middle of December. The way to Palpa lay through a difficult mountain pass, which the Goorkhas had strongly stockaded. The stockade was attacked, and would probably have been carried, but Gen. Wood thinking that it would be impossible to drive the enemy from the thickets in the rear of it, ordered a retreat. He then confined himself to the defence of the frontier till the spring, when at the express command of Lord Moira, he advanced to the town of Bhotwal, from which, however, he soon retired again to the plain; and as his troops were becoming unhealthy, they were placed, in May, in cantonments at Gorukhpûr. The fourth and largest division having_assembled at Dinapore near Patna, marched (Nov. 23) for Bettiah. Meantime a force under Major Bradshaw was succesfully employed in clearing the frontier forests of the Goorkhas. When the main army reached the frontier (Dec. 12), Gen. Marley, instead of advancing without his guns, as he had been directed, spent the rest of the month waiting for them, and this gave the enemy time to recover from the alarm into which Major Bradshaw's success had thrown them. The consequence was that they attacked two British out | | posts, (Jan. 1) cut off one, and nearly destroyed the other. The troops now lost courage and began to desert; and Gen. Marley having a most exaggerated idea of the numbers and courage of the Goorkhas, made a retrograde movement to protect, the depôt at Bettîah, leaving a strong division with Major Roughsedge to protect the frontier. Lord Moira, though very indignant at the conduct of Gen. Marley, reinforced him so largely, that his forces amounted to 13,000 men. But that incapable officer, after spending the whole month of January in indecision, suddenly quitted his camp one morning before day-break, without having given any notice of his intention. About the end of February, Gen. George Wood came and took the command, but he also acted on a timid policy, and effected nothing. While, however, the fame of the British arms was thus tarnished by the inefficiency of the commanders of these two divisions, Major Latter, who commanded a small force further eastwards, not only defended the boundary east of the Kûsi river, but formed a useful alliance with the rajah of Sikim, a small hill-state eastward of Nepal. At the same time Col. Gardner with a body of irregulars from Rohilcund had entered Kamaon to the north of that province, and appeared before Almora, its chief town. Another irregular force under Capt. Hearsey, also entered it from another side; but it was routed and its commander made a prisoner by the Goorkhas. A regular force under Col. Nicolls, joined Col. Gardner before Almora (April 8), and when everything had been prepared, a general attack was made (25th) on the stockades in front of it. After a brief resistance they were carried, and the troops established themselves in the town. Next morning, after a discharge of mortars on the fort, the garrison capitulated, on condition of being allowed to depart with their arms and personal property. Gen. Martindell was at this time engaged in a blockade of the fort of Jytak, patiently waiting for the effects of famine on the garrison. Meantime Gen. Ochterlony was acting with more vigour against the Goorkhas at Malân. In the month of April the British troops were encamped on the banks of a stream in the valley under the ranges on which Malân stood, while the Goorkha posts extended along the ridge from Malân to the fort of Surajgurh, most of the peaks being occupied and stockaded. In the centre of the line were two points named Ryla and Deothal, which seemed to be assailable, and the possession of which would cut Malân off from most of its outworks. These Gen. Ochterlony resolved to attack; and he sent (14th) a column against the former under Major Innis, and one against the latter under Col. Thomson. Another body led by Capt. Showers, was to move from Ratangurh, a post to the right of Malân occupied by the British, and attack the enemy's cantonments under the fort. These attacks proved, on the whole, successful, though Capt. Showers was repulsed and killed. Next day (15th) every effort was made to strengthen Deothal, as it was certain to be soon attacked; more troops and two guns were sent up to it, and stockades were formed. As was expected, Amar Sing, knowing that if he let the British remain on the mountain, they would soon reduce Malân, resolved to make every effort to drive them down. He, therefore, placed the troops A. D. 1815. INVASION OF NEPAL-TREATY Of Peace. under the command of Bhakti Sing, a leader of known intrepidity, for the attack, while he himself remained close at hand with the standard and the reserve. The Goorkhas advanced in a semicircle, turning both flanks of the British position. Though swept down by showers of grape from the fieldpieces, they rushed on like lions, and poured in such a close fire, that except three officers and as many men, all who served the guns were killed or wounded. The conflict had lasted two hours, when troops having joined from Ryla, Col. Thomson ordered a charge to be made with bayonets. At this the Goorkhas broke and fled, leaving Bhakti Sing dead on the spot. Amar Sing retired with the fugitives into the fort, and the body of the fallen leader was sent in to them wrapt in shawls by the victors. Next day two of his wives burned themselves with his corpse. Most of the exterior works of Malân were carried in the remaining days of April; and on the 8th May, a battery was opened on the principal redoubt, and preparations were made for storming. But the main body of the garrison, deeming resistance hopeless, now came out and surrendered; and Amar Sing, after making a show of defence for a couple of days, sent his son to propose a convention. It was concluded on the following terms: the Goorkhas were to give up all their possessions west of the Jumna; and the garrison of Malân, part of that of Jytak, and all the members of the Thapa family, were to be allowed to retire to Nepâl with their arms and their private property. Most of the men entered the British service. The defeat of their ablest leader made the court of Khatmandu now rather anxious for peace, and the remainder of the year was spent in negotiations. At length it became manifest that the only object of the Goorkhas had been to gain time, and that they intended making another appeal to arms. A force amounting to nearly 17,000 men was therefore assembled at Dinapore, and on the frontiers, with which Gen. (now Sir David 2) Ochterlony took the field early in February. He divided his force into four brigades, of which the first under Col. Kelly was to move to the right and endeavour to enter Nepâl by Hariharpûr; the second under Col. Nicolls on the left by Ramnagar; while the two last, under Sir D. Ochterlony in person, would seek to penetrate to Makwanpur by the Churiaghâti pass. This pass being found both difficult in itself, and strongly defended by tiers of stockades, it was resolved to attempt to enter by another which was discovered, and which proved to be unguarded. It was a long deep ravine, between high banks covered with trees whose branches meeting over it excluded the light of day. On the night of the 14th, Sir D. Ochterlony entered this pass at the head of the third brigade, and on the fourth day he reached Hetaunda on the banks of the Rapti unopposed. Here he was joined by the fourth brigade; the Goorkhas having abandoned the stockades in the pass when they found that their position had been turned. On the 27th the British troops encamped within two miles of the fortified heights of Makwanpûr, and the following morning they took possession of the strong village of Sekhar-Khatri, which its garrison had evacuated. 2 He was first made a Knight Commander of the Bath, and then a Baronet. 161 At noon, however, the Goorkhas returned in greater force, and endeavoured to recover it. Additional troops came on both sides; and at five o'clock the Goorkhas were repelled with a loss of 500 men, that of the British being 45 killed, and 175 wounded. Next day Col. Nicolls joined with the second brigade. Col. Kelly had, meantime, forced the garrison to evacuate the fort of Hariharpûr. Preparations were now made for erecting new batteries against Makwanpûr, when the commandant, who was brother to the regent, sent to say that he had received the ratification of the treaty which had been previously agreed on. As Sir D. Ochterlony was invested with political as well as military authority, the treaty was concluded with some additional cessions of territory; and peace was re-established, and it has never since been disturbed. The chief articles of this treaty were the abandoning all claims on the hill-rajahs west of the river Kali, and restoring all the territory taken from the rajah of Sikim, giving up the Tirai or lowlands at the foot of the hills along the southern frontier, and receiving a resident at Khatmandu. As the Nepalese set an exaggerated value on the Tirai, and the desire to retain it had been a chief cause of their breaking off the treaty, a part of it was restored to them to their great satisfaction. This war was a necessary one; for, unless where justice plainly dictates, concessions can never be made to barbarians, as they will surely ascribe them to weakness. Had all the commanding officers been like Sir D. Ochterlony, it would also have been a brief and inexpensive war. It was condemned at home of course from the commencement; but when terminated, the highest praises were bestowed on the Governor-general, who was created Marquis of Hastings, and thanks were voted to Sir D. Ochterlony and the officers and men engaged in the war. CHAPTER IX. Maratta Affairs-Murder of Gangadhar Sastri-Attack on Bhopal-State of things at Maratta Courts-The Pindarries-They ravage the British Territory-Preparations for destroying them-Attack on the Residency of Poona-New Treaty with Sindia-British Troops attacked by the Cholera Morbus-Attack on Residency at Nagpur. In the whole of India now, with the exception of the Punjâb, there was no power save that of the Marattas capable of disturbing its tranquillity. These, as we have already stated, formed five independent states, all, however, more or less regarding themselves as one confederation, and the notwithstanding the treaty of Bassein, and the Peishwa as their legitimate superior. That prince, presence of the subsidiary force, still fondly clung to the hope of seeing himself once more the independent chief of the Maratta nation; and what he feared to attempt by force, he hoped to compass by intrigue; he therefore maintained secret agents at the courts of Nagpûr, Gwalior 3, and Indore. Of all the Maratta princes the Guicowar of Gûzerât, whose capital was Baroda, was the one 3 Sindia had made this his residence. M |