Jâts, calling on them to rise in defence of their lawful prince. It is highly probable that, as he anticipated, the force which he would have brought before it, would have reduced Bhurtpore in a fortnight, and the event have exalted the British name in the eyes of the natives. But caution and timidity prevailed in Calcutta; and orders were sent to him to countermand the march of the troops. The declarations of Doorjun Sâl that he had no intentions of usurping the throne, that he had been driven by the oppression of the rajah's uncle to act as he did, were heard with favour, and the gallant old veteran was almost treated with insult. In his communications with the Governor-general, he defended his conduct with great warmth, and tendered his resignation, which was received with a sort of cold civility. It was proposed, for he had not been one of the amassers of wealth in India, to recommend that an income sufficient to make him comfortable for the rest of his life should be settled on him; but his death at Meerut shortly after (July 15) frustrated this design". The affairs of Rajputana were now confided to the able hands of Sir Charles Metcalfe.

The government soon found that their system of non-interference would not answer. A quarrel broke out between Doorjun Sâl and his brother Madhoo Sing; and the latter having failed in an attempt to seize the fort of Bhurtpore, retired to that of Deeg. Marattas and other military vagabonds began to flock to him, and it was quite evident that a system of plunder would soon commence, and that it would not be confined to Bhurtpore. The governor and council at Calcutta deliberated; two members declared for interference, Sir E. Paget took nearly the same view, but Lord Amherst was still for inaction. At length when Sir C. Metcalfe arrived from Hyderabad where he had been resident, he was called on to state his views ; and he showed in so clear and masterly a manner the absolute necessity of armed interference in case negotiation should not succeed, that the Governor-general was convinced, and that course resolved on.

mitted to the rule of the young rajah, Bulwunt Sing.

In 1824, an exchange was made with the Dutch of Bencoolen, in Sumatra, for Malacca, Singapore, and their possessions on the Continent of India.

CHAPTER XII.

Lord William Bentinck Governor-general-His ReformsAbolition of Suttee-Renewal of Company's CharterOpening of the China-trade-Favour shown to the Indian Usurers Disputes about Governor-generalship - Lord Auckland appointed-Disputed Succession in Oude-Deposition of Rajah of Sattara.

THE successor of Lord Amherst was Lord William Bentinck, whom we have seen on the occasion of the mutiny at Vellore, recalled by the Court of Directors from the government of Madras. His family interest, however, was high, and he was appointed by the Canning administration to succeed Lord Amherst. He had not proceeded to India when the death of Mr. Canning occurred, which broke up that ministry. This, however, made no change to him, as he had interest also with those who succeeded to power, and he sailed for India in February, 1828.

Little of importance took place during the administration of Lord William Bentinck. The conduct of the rajah of Coorg, in the Deckan, who was the very opposite of his chivalrous father, proved so atrocious, that it was found necessary to deprive him of his power, and with the manifest approbation of the people, to incorporate his territory in the British dominions (1834). Treaties also to secure the navigation of the Indus, were formed during this period with some of the chieftains of Sinde, by Mr. (now Sir Henry) Pottinger.

It fell to the lot of Lord William Bentinck, soon after his arrival in India, to have to give effect to the orders of the Company respecting the reduction of the half-batta, as an allowance was named which had been made to the military officers in their service. This, of course, caused great dissatisfaction, and Lord Combermere went so far as to resign his office of Commander-in-chief. But these were the days of retrenchment, and the officers had to submit. Another measure of the Governor-general's was, the doing away with flogging in the native army, a rather anomalous proceeding, while it was retained in the European regiments. His greatest and best act was the abolition of Suttee, or the practice of self-immolation by Hindoo widows, a practice which had existed from times before India became known to Europe. This deed will ever remain a monument to his fame.

5 He had been fifty years in India, in the service of the Company. He was by birth an American, his father being one of those who adhered to the mother-country in the quarrel with the Colonies.

Lord William Bentinck sailed from India in May, 1835, after a government of seven years.

While Lord William Bentinck was administering the affairs of the Company in India, the term of their charter had expired, and the advocates of

umph over them. The only exclusive branch of trade we may recollect that had been reserved to the Company in 1813, was that to China ; and this was now vigorously assailed. The British traders had here a fair subject of

A. D. 1835.

complaint; namely, that while they were rigorously excluded from all communication with China, the Americans were allowed to carry thither British manufactures direct from Great Britain, and bring their China goods to any part of Europe, except the British isles. The Americans could also, what British traders were not allowed to do, bring furs to China from the north-west coast of America. In 1820 this question was brought before parliament, and committees of both houses were appointed to inquire into the foreign trade of the country. These committees called for the opinion of several leading Directors, but found them, of course, totally adverse to any concession. The chief advocate, on the part of the Company, was Mr. Charles Grant; the opinions of Mr. George Lyall and Mr. Edward Ellice, of London, and Mr. John Gladstone, of Liverpool, and other eminent merchants, who were examined as witnesses, were different.

Matters so remained till May, 1829, when a petition was presented to the house of lords from the great and opulent town of Manchester, praying of them to take into early consideration the expediency of opening the trade to the East Indies. As this trade happened to be open already, we suppose the cotton-lords, who were not probably very deeply versed in geography, meant the Chinatrade, taking the East Indies to be synonymous with the East. They proposed, however, that such limitations might be imposed, "as might be con· sistent with the commercial and manufacturing interests of this country;" we must not suppose that they bestowed one moment's thought on those of India. A similar petition was presented to the house of commons, by Mr. Huskisson, the successor of Mr. Canning in the representation of Liverpool.

Early in the following session (1830), the question of the renewal of the privileges of the Company was introduced into both houses by the then government-the Wellington-Peel administration. Nothing, however, was done in this session, beyond inquiry and debate; it was, however, the intention of the ministry to allow the Company to retain the government of India, but to deprive them of the monopoly of the China trade. Toward the close of the year the ministry was overturned on the question of Parliamentary Reform, and the whigs, headed by Earl Grey, came into office.

If the Company had found so little favour at the hands of the tories, they had still less to expect at those of the whigs, who depended for their official existence on the trading community. The doom of the China monopoly may, therefore, be regarded as sealed. Mr. Charles Grant, who was the new President of the Board of Control, had altered his views considerably since 1820; he was now as hostile, as he had then been favourable to that monopoly. It is needless, therefore, to enter into the debates in parliament, or in the Courts of Directors and Proprietors. In August, 1833, a bill was passed, renewing the Company's charter for twenty years. They were to retain the government of India, but they were to be altogether precluded from trade, and the China trade was thrown open to all British subjects 6.

6 One good consequence of this measure is, that tea has fallen at least a third in price. Another more dubious consequence has been a war with China, but of which the final

173

In

While Mr. Grant was President of the Board of Control, some extraordinary degrees of favour were shown to the British usurers in India. 1832, parliament interfered in what was called the Noozeed affair7, and in 1833, the Board applied to the Court of King's Bench for a Mandamus, requiring the Court of Directors to send out a despatch in favour of the claims of Palmer and Co., on the Nizam. There was a still larger corps of usurers remaining, the real or pretended creditors, European and native, of Asof-ud-doulah, the former vizîr of Oude. Their suit was urged very warmly by their agent, Mr. Prendergast, who, as it appeared, had a strong personal interest in the matter, as he had purchased a large portion of the debt; and early in 1834, the Board applied to the Court of King's Bench for a Mandamus in this case also. A rule nisi was obtained; but the Directors showed such firmness, that the Board had not the courage to move to have the rule made absolute. The whole discreditable proceeding was afterwards exposed in the one house by Lord Ellenborough, in the other by Mr. Herries.

In the month of August, the Court of Directors received a letter from Lord William Bentinck, tendering his resignation. Sir Charles Metcalfe had been appointed to be his provisional successor; but the Court were now of opinion, that the most expedient course for the public service would be, to confer on him the office of Governor-general. Perhaps in the whole empire there was no one so fit for that high station, from knowledge and from ability, as Sir C. Metcalfe; but Mr. Grant, when informed of this intention, replied, that with respect to the appointment of any servant of the Company, "however eminent his knowledge, talents, and experience" might be, the ministry agreed with the late Mr. Canning, that "the case can hardly be conceived, in which it would be expedient that the highest office of the government of India should be filled, otherwise than from England; and that that one main link, at least, between the systems of the Indian and British governments ought, for the advantage of both, to be invariably maintained." This, when put into plain language, signifies that the government of India is too good a thing to be let go out of the hands of ministers, and that like the Lord-lieutenantcy of Ireland, it should always be reserved for some needy or am

bitious supporter of administration. By this rule

Mr. Canning, a political adventurer, who knew nothing of India, was qualified to govern it, while Sir C. Metcalfe was disqualified, precisely because he had had the opportunity of acquiring the requisite knowledge.

The ministry were so determined to have the place, that Mr. Grant wrote to the Directors to say, that in consequence of their proposal to appoint Sir C. Metcalfe, ministers did not consider themselves bound to refrain from making the appointment, as they were entitled to do, under the provisions of the law. The opinion of counsel, however, being decidedly against their claim, they refrained for the time. A change of ministry now took place, and during the short-lived Peel administration, the office of Governor-general was conferred on Lord Heytesbury. He took the oath result seems likely to be a great extension of our trade with that empire, and of our influence in the East in general. 7 See above, p. 117, note.

of office, and had just completed his preparations for departure, when the whigs came once more into power. They would have the government of India, so Lord Heytesbury was required to postpone his departure, and then informed that the ministry intended to advise his majesty to revoke the appointment. The Directors remonstrated, but, of course, in vain; the matter was discussed in parliament, but all ended in the appointment of Lord Auckland to the coveted dignity; and in an evil hour for his own fame, and for the interests of the empire, he set sail for India.

Sir C. Metcalfe had acted provisionally as Governor-general in the interval between the departure of Lord William Bentinck and the arrival of Lord Auckland. During his period of brief authority, he had ventured on the very dubious measure of relieving the newspaper-press of India, both European and native, from the restraints which had been imposed on it, and the press is now as free in India as in England.

Lord Auckland arrived at Calcutta on the 5th March, 1836. The first event of any importance that occurred during his administration, was the death of Nussîr-ud-dîn, the weak and contemptible king of Oude (July, 1837). He had at one time acknowledged two sons; but as he afterwards disavowed them, and there seemed to be no reason for supposing that they had any claim to the throne, the resident, Col. Low, prepared to place on it Nussîr-ud-doulah, the third son of Saadut Ally, who was the next heir according to the Mohammedan law. He was therefore conducted to the palace, and while he was taking a little repose (being a man in years), previous to being placed on the musnud, the Padishah Begum, or queen dowager, who had espoused the cause of one of the pretended sons, sent a party of troops, who forced their way into the palace, and made the king and the resident virtually prisoners. The Begum soon arrived in person with the pretender, who was placed on the musnud in her presence. The resident having tried in vain to convince her of the folly of her conduct, made his, escape from the palace. A British force soon arrived, and as the Begum refused to come forth, the palace was forced, and about thirty or forty of her followers were killed or wounded. The legitimate prince was then enthroned, and the Begum and the pretender were made to take up their residence in the British territories. Akbùl-ud-doulah, a son of the king's elder brother, then set up a claim to the throne, though the Mohammedan law does not, like those of Europe, acknowledge the principle of representation; and acting under bad and interested advice, he was even foolish enough to come to England to address the Court of Directors.

At a somewhat later period-but we will notice it here, not to interrupt the course of more important events-occurred the deposition of the rajah of Sattara.

overthrowing the power of his benefactors, and making himself the head of the Maratta nation. The means to which he had recourse will give the measure of his intellectual powers. He entered into a correspondence with the Portuguese authorities at Goa, to whom he proposed an alliance, by which they were to furnish an army to enable him to recover the Maratta territories, after which he was to reward them in money or lands, or both ! He carried on a correspondence with Apa Sahîb, the ex-rajah of Nagpûr, and he made efforts to seduce the Company's troops from their allegiance. There has always been in India a crew of English schemers and adventurers, who seek to make a profit of the ignorance and folly of the native princes; and these vultures swiftly snuffed up the scent of gain at Sattara. It is incredible what sums he lavished on these fellows. He had agents in Bombay, in Calcutta, and even in England, whither he sent no less than two missions. press in India, now unrestrained, was well feed for abusing its own government, and advocating the pretensions of the rajah. The foolish prince was even induced to purchase a ship, for the purpose of keeping up the communication with England, and his agents employed it in the China trade for their own advantage.

The

The Bombay government, having had sufficient proof of his intrigues, were thinking of deposing him, when in 1839, Sir James Carnac came out as governor of that presidency. He resolved on a milder course, and he went in person to Sattara, to try to induce the rajah to pledge himself to adhere to the treaty of 1819. But all his wellmeant efforts met with no success. Like so many other fools, the rajah was obstinate. The necessary consequence was, that he was deprived of his dignity, and sent to reside in the British territories, and his brother was placed on the vacant throne 3.

CHAPTER XIII.

Condition of Russia-Affairs of Câbul-Russian Intrigues -Resolution to restore Shah Shujah-Needless Apprehensions of the Influence of Russia-Army of the IndusMarch to Kandahar- Capture of Ghuznee-Arrival at Câbul-Withdrawal of Troops-Failure at Pishoot-Capture of Forts-Cowardice of Bengal horsemien-Surrender of Dost Mohammed-Events at Kandahar-Prospects of the Country-March of Gen. Sale to Jellalabad. THE present empire of Russia is one of the most remarkable that have ever appeared. Two centuries ago it was of no importance whatever; it now is one of the leading states of Europe; yet as we shall see, it is not its real power so much as its insidious and unprincipled policy that has given it this influence. Unfortunately for the best interests of mankind, Prussia and Austria, the European tisms, and they listened to her fatal insinuations; and to perhaps their own ultimate misfortune, if not averted by a timely change of measures, they

8 Even at the present day, both in parliament and in the Courts of Proprietors, the wrongs of the ex-rajah of Sattara are occasionally the theme of declaimers and busy people.

A. D. 1837.

joined her in the nefarious partition of Poland, which though at the time an anarchic state, possessed many of the elements of constitutional freedom. By this means Russia attained a powerful influence in their counsels, and in the struggles consequent on the French revolution they learned to regard her as their protectress. While Russia was thus advancing her frontier and her influence toward the civilised states of the west, she was carrying on wars with the Turks and Persians to the south and east ; and triumphing over their ignorance and weakness, she made from them large acquisitions of territory. She also extended her dominion over the vast solitudes reaching to the Icy Sea and Pacific Ocean, and acquired a portion of the north-west coast of America.

To look at the Russian empire on the map, a superficial observer might be apt to suppose her the most powerful state in the world. But such a supposition would be far wide of the truth. As compared with France or England for example, she is feeble, and we doubt if Prussia might not be able single-handed to resist her aggressions. Russia, in effect, is comparatively speaking poor. Her armies are, therefore, ill equipped and ill supplied. During the French war she never could send an army to the field without the aid of English gold. Her troops, though victorious against Turks and Persians, have never, we believe, with equal numbers beaten disciplined European forces. The policy of Russia also proves her consciousness of her real weakness. It is the most false, treacherous, and insidious that can be conceived, with nothing in it bold or daring. She sits like a polypus on its rock, with feelers out in all directions to try what she can catch. Like a tiger she crouches and steals on till she can make a spring. She boasts and she lies, she flatters and she betrays. At this present moment she dupes the illcemented effete Austrian monarchy by a small gift of territory, while under the pretext of common origin she is endeavouring to seduce her subjects of the Slavonian race. But we trust in vain ; we feel confident that when the Austrian monarchy falls to pieces, as it seems likely to do, the Bohemians and others will never submit to the degrading despotism of the Czar, or accept his insidious offers of protection. Prussia has now at length taken her place among constitutional states, and for the interests of humanity we rejoice thus to see on the wane the influence of the most cordial hater of liberty under every form that exists.

We have been led into these reflections from the circumstance of the meddling, insidious policy of Russia having been the cause of much loss and danger to our eastern empire at this time.

We have noticed the embassy of Mr. Elphinstone to the court of the Afghân monarch Shûjah-ulmalk, and the refusal of the British government to give that prince the pecuniary aid that he required. Soon after, he was defeated and expelled by his brother Mahmood, whose eyes he had spared. He sought the protection of Runjeet Sing, who stripped him of what wealth he had, and proposed to detain him as a prisoner, but he escaped to the British territory, where he continued to reside. Meantime Mahmood had, through his ingratitude, lost his throne. He had attained it chiefly by the aid of Futtah Khân, a chief of the Barukzye clan, and now at the instigation of his

175

son Kamran, he seized and blinded that chief, and soon after put him to death. The brothers of Futtah Khân took arms to avenge his death, and they drove Mahmood to Herât on the frontiers of Persia, where he soon after died, leaving his remnant of dominion to Kamran. The victors divided the remainder. Dost Mohammed, the ablest of the brothers, reigned at Câbul, the others at Kandahâr. Runjeet Sing made himself master of Peshawur.

Count Simonich, the Russian envoy at the court of Persia, thought there was now a fair opportunity of setting Russian intrigue at work. He encouraged the Persian Shâh to renew some old claims on Afghânistân, and a Persian army laid siege to Herât, which, however, Kamran defended vigorously. For this purpose the envoy gave some supplies of money, and the Russian government, when questioned by that of England, denied every thing of course, and had despatches from Simonich, made no doubt for the purpose, to produce in proof of her honourable conduct.

The suspicions of the Indian government being excited, Capt. Alex. Burnes was sent (Sept 1837) on a mission to Câbul. He found that the Russian envoy had agents both there and at Kandahâr, who were making the most lavish promises of money and every thing else that was desired. The great object of Dost Mohammed, was the recovery of Peshawur, and the Russian promised that his government would interfere for that purpose; but he does not seem to have stated how; while Lord Auckland wrote to say, that British interference was out of the question. The Russian interest was therefore quite in the ascendant, and Capt. Burnes quitted Câbul. Capt. Burnes quitted Câbul. He represented in very strong colours to the government the danger to India of the Russo-Persian influence in Afghânistân. Mr. McNeill, the envoy in Persia, made similar statements to the home government, and in order to counteract it, it was resolved to send an army to replace Shûjah on the throne.

There can be no doubt that the British government violated no principle of public law in this interference. But it is a question whether there was any real danger to be apprehended. We think not. Capt. Burnes, it is evident, was not much of a statesman, and both he and Mr. McNeill gave too much credit to the rhodomontades of the Russians 9. How, it may be asked, was the Russian to turn this influence to advantage? The days were gone by when the cavalry of a Nadir Shah, or an Ahmed Dûranee could rush down like a storm on the plains of India. A few brigades of the Company's disciplined troops would speedily send them back in dismay to their mountains. But Russia, it may be said, could send officers and discipline the Persians and Afghâns. All attempts at disciplining the Persians, however, have failed, and it would, we apprehend, be no easy matter to bring the rude Afghân clansmen to submit to the restraint of discipline. It is also remarkable that the native corps in India disciplined by the French never could withstand those of the British. Finally, it is said, and this we believe is the danger really apprehended, that Russia, having secured the

9 To the vaunt of the Moscow Gazette, that Russia will dictate the next peace to England at Calcutta, we would make the same reply that the Parthian envoy did to Crassus. See Hist. of Rome, p. 404.

friendship of the Persians and the Afghâns, could march an army into India. This, however, is the very thing that we think she could not do, if from no other reason, because she could not afford it. As long as the expense extends only to some thousands given as presents to chiefs and ministers, or spent in bribing the press in Europe, Russia can easily find the money; but when it comes to many millions, as it would in this case, her sinews are easily relaxed. And supposing that Russia did march 30,000 or 40,000 men to the Indus, for a greater force is inconceivable, she would there encounter a much larger army, as brave, at least as well disciplined and officered, far better supplied, and animated with a spirit unknown to her serfs. Nay, a force as large perhaps as her own might, while her troops were toiling through the deserts and mountains, sail by steam from England, and reach the Punjâb before them.

These considerations either did not present themselves, or were thought of no weight, and it was resolved to reseat Shâh Shûjah on the throne. As usual, the Indian government had bad information. They were led to suppose that the great majority of the people were longing for the return of the exiled Shah, that little or no opposition was to be expected, and that Dost Mohammed and "his friends, if he have any, must yield to his terms, or become fugitives." A tripartite treaty was therefore concluded (June 26, 1838) with Shâh Shûjah, and with Runjeet Sing, by which the former renounced all claims for himself and his successors to all the territories on both sides of the Indus held by the latter, including of course Peshawur, which Dost Mohammed was so anxious to recover. Treaties were also formed with the Ameers of Sinde, in order to facilitate the march of the British troops. A large force composed of troops from the armies of Bengal and Bombay was to cross the Indus to the south of the Punjâb, and march for Kandahar. It was to be led by the commander-in-chief, Sir Henry Fane, the state of whose health, however, caused the command to be transferred to Sir John Keane, the commander of the Bombay army, and Gens. Sir Willoughby Cotton, Nott, Duncan, Wiltshire, and Briggs, Sale, Graham, and others held command in it. imitation, as would appear, of the French, whose example seems to have been continually before the eyes of the Indian government at this time, it was pompously named the Army of the Indus. It, however, was held out to be only an auxiliary force in aid of that of Shâh Shûjah, consisting of a troop of horse artillery, two regiments of cavalry, and five of infantry, raised for him by the British government, and commanded by Gen. Simpson of the Bengal Service. Another force of about 5000 irregulars called the Shahzada's army, as being commanded by the Shâli's son Timoor, was to assemble in Peshawur, and enter Câbul by the Khyber pass, and a Sikh force of 6000 men under Ventura, one of Runjeet's European generals, was to co-operate with it; the whole to be under the direction of Col. Wade. Mr. Wm. Hay Macnaghten was appointed envoy at the court of Shâh Shûjah, and Capt. Burnes and others had inferior appointments.

In

It,

Lord Auckland and his family were with it, and a series of interviews, accompanied by shows, processions, and reviews took place between him and the old Lion of the Punjâb, Runjeet Sing. As news had come of the Persians having raised the siege of Herât, a smaller force was now deemed to be sufficient, and orders were given for only a part of the army to advance, the remainder to stay at Ferozepore. Early in December the Shah's troops marched, and on the 16th January (1839) they reached the Indus at Bukkur, and crossed, being soon followed by the Bengal column. But before this last passed over it was learned that the Ameers were about to impede the progress of the Bombay. troops, and it commenced its march for Hydrabad; hearing, however, that all had been arranged, it returned to Sukkur, crossed, and joined (Feb. 20) the Shâh's troops which had advanced to Shikarpoor. Here, as they were soon to enter the country of the Belooches, and as attacks were to be apprehended, it was decided to change the order of march, and for the British troops to move in advance. They marched, however, unopposed to Dadur at the Bolan pass, through which they entered Afghânistân and advanced to Quetta (Mar. 26).

The Bombay column had proceeded by sea, and landing at a place on the coast of Sinde named Vikkur, marched for Tatta, whence it pursued its route for Dadur. On the 16th of April, Sir J. Keane established his head-quarters with the Bengal column at Quetta, the Bombay column being still several marches in the rear. The two columns marched in succession through the dangerous and difficult Kojuk pass, and they reached Kandahâr the first on the 20th April, the second on the 7th May. On the following day (8th) Shâh Shûjah was solemnly enthroned with a salute from 110 guns, and the army of the Indus of 7500 men marched in review before the throne. But the people took little interest in the ceremony.

In the march from Quetta to Kandahar, though the army had encountered no enemy, its losses and sufferings had been considerable. The extreme scarcity of water in that sultry region caused tortures hardly to be endured; food also was scarce. The horses and camels died also in such numbers that much baggage had to be left behind, and the whole population of the country being robbers, they seized and carried off everything that came in their in their way.

At Kandahar, the troops enjoyed some repose, though provisions still were scarce, and robbers numerous as ever. Hardly any one came to join the standard of Shâh Shûjah, and when in the usual manner he sent 10,000 rupees for "shoeing the horses," as it was termed, to the chiefs of the Ghiljye clan, and a Koran for them to swear allegiance, they kept the money and sent back the book. The march was now resumed for Câbul, and on the 20th July the troops reached Nannee, within ten miles of Ghuznee.

About the end of November, the whole of the Bengal contingent was encamped at Ferozepore