prince Âzim with these words : "Come what may, I have launched my vessel on the waves. Farewell, farewell, farewell." CHAPTER XIV. BAHADUR SHAH-Origin of the Sikhs-JEHÂNDÂR SHAHThe Syuds- FUROKHSÎR-War in the Deckan-Against the Sikhs-MOHAMMED SHAH-Asof Jâh-Fall of the Syuds-The Marattas-Bâlajee Wiswanât-Bajee RâoInvasion of Hindûstân by the Marattas. By his last will Aurungzîb directed that his empire should be divided among his three sons; but, regardless of it, Azîm, the second son, caused himself gardless of it, Azîm, the second son, caused himself to be proclaimed emperor of India. Moazzim, who was in Câbul, assumed as the elder the crown, taking the title of Bahadur Shah, and the two brothers prepared to assert their claims by force of arms. A bloody battle was fought to the south of Agra, in which Azîm and his two elder sons were slain, and his youngest, an infant, made prisoner. Bahadur then marched into the Deckan, where prince Câmbakhsh refused to submit to him, and in a battle near Hyderabâd that prince was defeated and slain. In order then to sow dissensions among the Marattas, the emperor released Sâho the rightful rajah, and promised to make peace with him on favourable terms if he should succeed in making good his title. The Marattas, as was anticipated, split into two parties, and as that of Sâho seemed soon to be the stronger, Dâûd Khân Panni, a Patan, who as Zulficâr's deputy was left to govern the Deckan, concluded a treaty with him, by which it was agreed that the chout should be paid him, but not be collected by the Marattas themselves. As war was now to ensue with a power which had lately arisen in the Punjâb, Bahâdur resolved to bring the war with the Rajpûts to a close. He therefore conceded all their demands, and peace was concluded (1709). This new power was the religious sect of the Sîkhs", who have since become of such importance in the history of India. This sect commenced about the end of the fifteenth century; its founder was a man of the name of Nânik, who taught, as others before him had done, that all religious forms were indifferent, and that the Moslem and the Hindoo were alike in the sight of God. To this doctrine, the latter would of course assent, but the fanatic Moslems would not admit of such enlarged charity, and its teacher received the crown of martyrdom at their hands (1606). This impolitic cruelty converted the Sikhs from quiet religionists into enthusiastic warriors. They took up arms under his son, Har Govind; but the government proved too strong for them, and they were expelled from their seats in the neighbourhood of Lahore, and forced to take refuge in the mountains to the north. Here they remained, still at enmity with the Moslems, till the year 1675, when their chief, Guru Govind, the grandson of Har Govind, conceived the idea of forming them into a great religious and military republic. 6 This is by some written Seiks. We believe the correct pronunciation to be as our word seek. To effect his purpose he abolished all distinction of caste and of religion. Mussulman and Hindoo of high or low caste were admitted alike. A peculiar dress was to distinguish the Sîkh, his clothes were to be blue; he was to allow the hair of his head and of all parts of his body to grow unchecked. He was to be a soldier from his entrance into the society, and always to carry steel about his person. While the usual ceremonies and usages of religion were abolished and new ones substituted, Hindooism was not totally renounced; Bramins were to be held in honour, and the flesh of kine was not to be eaten. But still the Sikhs were unable to resist the imperial arms. They were hunted down and massacred, their forts were taken, and even Guru himMoguls for a subsistence. The cruelties that were self, it is said, was obliged to take service with the exercised on them, however, only served to give strength to their fanaticism. Under a chief named Bandu, of a more ferocious character than Guru Govind, they burst from their mountains, and overran the east of the Punjâb, destroying and massa cring in the most savage manner wherever they came. They penetrated as far as Seharanpoor, to the east of the Jumna, and then fixed themselves in the country between the Sutlej and the mountains, whence they soon spread their ravages as far as Delhi on the one side, and as Lahore on the other. It was these last depredations that caused the emperor Bahâdur to march in person against them. He speedily routed them, and drove them back to their hills, and having blockaded Bandu in a fortress, he hoped to end the war by his capture. But he contrived to escape in a sally, one of his followers having personated him in order to attract the attention of the enemy. The emperor returned to Lahore, where he died shortly after, in the fifth year of his reign (1712); for he was an old man when he came to the throne. On the death of Bahâdur, there was, of course, as we may say, a contest for the crown. As his eldest son, Jehândâr Shâh, was a man of no capacity, the troops and nobility in general were in favour of the second son, Azeem. But Zulficâr, judging it more for his advantage to have a puppet on the throne, declared for Jehândâr, and Azeem was defeated and slain. Zulficâr was immediately made vizîr, and he treated with the utmost arrogance and disdain the feeble prince whom he served, who had indeed forfeited all title to respect by promoting to high offices the low-born relatives of his favourite mistress, who had been a public dancer. the Jehândâr had put to death all the princes of the blood who were in his power. But Furokhsîr, son of Azeem, who was in Bengal, threw himself on the protection of two able men, Syuds, or descendants of the prophet, one of whom, Hussun Ally, was governor of Bahâr, and the other, Abdallah, governor of Allahabad. With their aid he repelled a force that was sent against him, and then advanced to the vicinity of Agra, where he was encountered by Jehândâr and Zulficâr at the head of 70,000 men. The battle was long and bloody, and Hussun was even left for dead on the field. But the victory finally remained with Furokhsîr, and Jehândâr fled in disguise to Delhi, whither Zulficâr led the remains of the troops. Zulficâr's father, Assad Khân, had meantime made the wretched emperor a prisoner, and when Furokhsîr approached A. D. 1713-20. FUROKHSÎR-MOHAMMED SHÂH. the city he and his son went forth to meet him, and delivered up to him their late master. Jehândâr was put to death, Zulficâr shared his fate; the life of Assad was spared (1713). 43 and a great number of them were made prisoners. Some were put to death on the spot, but the chief and upwards of 700 others were led to Delhi, where they were paraded through the streets and then be empire. The elevation of Furokhsîr was of necessity at-headed, at the rate of one hundred a day, when tended by that of the Syuds, his protectors. Ab- they refused to renounce their religion. Bandu, dallah, the elder brother, was made vizîr, and arrayed in a robe of cloth of gold, with a red turban Hussun, Ameer-ul-Ômrah, or commander-in-chief. on his head, was exhibited in an iron cage. The They thought, as the king's character was mean heads of his followers were borne around him on and feeble, that all power would be theirs, while pikes. He was given a dagger and ordered to he would content himself with wealth and plea- stab his infant son; on his refusal, the child was sure. But he had a favourite, to whom he gave the slain, and its heart flung in his face. He was then title of Meer Jumla, and both were alike jealous of torn to pieces with red-hot pincers. He died the Syuds, and resolved to destroy them if possible. praising God, who had raised him up as a scourge Their first project was to separate, and thus to the iniquities of the age. The remaining Sikhs weaken them. Accordingly Hussun was directed were hunted like wild beasts, but still the sect to march against Ajeet Sing, the rajah of Mârwâr, survived, and, as we shall see, finally attained to to whom, at the same time, a secret message was sent, directing him to make an obstinate resistance and protract the war. But the rajah looked to his own interest, and when Hussun offered him fair and honourable terms he accepted them. One of the conditions was that he should give his daughter in marriage to the emperor; the last matrimonial alliance between the house of Timûr and the Rajpût rajahs. Hussun then returned to the capital, and a civil war was on the point of breaking out between the Syuds and the king; the monarch, however, was soon forced to submit, and to put the gates of his palace into the hands of their troops. It was then arranged that Meer Jumla should go as governor to Bahâr, and Hussun to the Deckan, whither he was to lead his army without delay. The daughter of Ajeet Sing had been by this time conducted to the capital. She was lodged in She was lodged in the palace of Hussun, who celebrated her nuptials with the king with unusual magnificence; he then set out for the Deckan, threatening, if any further attempt were made against his brother's authority, to be back with his army in three weeks from the day he should have heard of it. The plan adopted by the court now was secretly to employ Dâûd Khân, the Patan, against Hussun. He was directed to stir up the Marattas and others, and, while affecting to co-operate with Hussun, to effect his destruction. But this circuitous course did not suit the bold, daring character of Dâûd. He proceeded openly against Hussun, and met him boldly in the field. The impetuosity of his charge bore down all opposition, Hussun's troops were flying in all directions, when Dâûd, heading a charge of 300 Patans armed with battle-axes, was shot by a ball through the head. His fall, of course, decided the fortune of the day, and Hussun then proceeded to act against the Marattas. They adopted their usual tactics; and, finding that he could effect nothing serious against them, and that his presence was required at Delhi, he made a treaty with Sâho, one of the conditions of which was that he was to "levy chout over the whole of the Deckan. He was in addition to have the sirdésmuki, or a tenth of the remainder of the revenue, and in return he was to pay a tribute of ten lacs of rupees, to furnish 15,000 horse, and to answer for the tranquillity of the country. The emperor refused to ratify this treaty, and this served to bring affairs between him and the Syuds to a crisis (1717). During this time, the Sîkhs had renewed their ravages. An able general was sent against them, them, and they were beaten in all quarters. Bandu During the absence of Hussun, his brother the vizîr, being of indolent, luxurious habits, had committed the duties of his office to an Hindoo deputy, whose strictness caused dissatisfaction, and he was in imminent danger from the plots of the king, and of Meer Jumla, who had returned to court. He therefore assembled his adherents, and prepared to stand on his defence. They feared to attack him, and Meer Jumla was obliged to retire to his native province of Multân. But the king immediately formed another plot with rajah Jy Sing and some other leaders of importance. This brought Hussun to Delhi, attended by a body of 10,000 Marattas, and he took possession of the city, and put Furokhsîr to death (1719). Two young princes, whom the Syuds successively placed on the throne, having died in the course of a few months, they fixed on a third, who was of a sounder constitution, and whose mother, by whom he had been reared, was a woman of talent. He ascended the throne by the title of Mohammed Shah. The power of the Syuds gave occasion to much discontent discontent among the nobles, and insurrections took place. These, however, they suppressed ; but there was one person whom they had offended, and whose talents made him formidable. This was Cheen Kilich Khân (afterwards named Asof Jâh, as we shall henceforth call him), the son of Ghâziud-dîn, of a Toorkee family, one of Aurungzîb's favourite officers. He had been made viceroy of the Deckan on the accession of Furokhsîr, but had been removed to make room for Hussun. He had notwithstanding taken the side of the Syuds in the late transactions; but to his mortification he was now only appointed to the government of Mâlwa. He dissembled his anger, and, having at length drawn together a sufficient number of troops, he raised the standard of revolt, crossed the Nerbudda, and entered the Deckan (1720), where he speedily established his authority, and defeated the troops sent against him by the Syuds. The intelligence of his success caused great consternation to the Syuds; but the emperor, who, tutored by his mother, had as yet carried himself fairly toward them, was secretly rejoiced at it, and he entered into a plot with some of his leading nobles for the overthrow of their power. It was agreed between the brothers, that Abdallah should as heretofore remain behind, while Hussun, taking the emperor and some of the suspected nobles with him, should lead an army into the Deckan. Hussun accordingly marched from Agra ; but he had hardly set out when a ferocious Calmuck, hired for the purpose, assassinated him in his palankeen. His death caused great commotion in the camp. His adherents, many of whom were Syuds, took arms to avenge it; they were opposed by the party of the conspirators and the supporters of the king, and were finally overcome. When the news reached Delhi, Abdallah placed another prince on the throne, and, assembling an army, advanced to engage that of Mohammed Shâh. He was, however, defeated and made a prisoner; but his life was spared, as he was of the lineage of the Prophet. | attempt to get the chout and sirdésmuki of the district round Hyderabâd commuted for a fixed sum, he affected to doubt whether he was to pay it to Sâho or to his rival Samba, who still held the southern part of the Maratta country. The rajah and his pêshwa were highly offended, and the latter invaded Asof's territories (1727), and laid siege to Burhâmpoor. But when Asof and Samba came to its relief he suddenly drew off his forces, and rushed on and ravaged Gûzerât, where the chout had not been paid, and then, returning to the Deckan, cut off Asof's supplies in the usual manner, and forced him to renounce his alliance with Samba, and to make some further concessions. Shortly after, Samba was surprised and defeated, and forced to acknowledge Sâho's supremacy. Asof Jâh and Bâjee Râo at length deemed it would be more for their mutual interest to be at peace than at enmity, and they entered into a secret compact of mutual support. Bâjee Râo now directed his efforts against Mâlwa and Gûzerât, where he was chiefly opposed by the Rajpût rajahs, to whom the court of Delhi had Mohammed, being now his own master, bestowed the office of vizîr on Asof Jâh, who, however, being engaged with the affairs of the Deckan, did not come to court immediately. On his arrival (1722), he found the emperor wholly devoted to pleasure, a mere puppet in the hands of his mistress and his favourites. Little harmony was therefore to be expected; the vizîr was disgusted with such conduct, while the emperor sought no higher gratification than to see his favourites ridicule the old-granted the government of these provinces, and fashioned dress and formal manners of the vizîr. his success was such, that at length (1736) he felt Toward the end of the following year Asof Jâh himself strong enough to demand as a jaghîr resigned his office and set out for the Deckan. The Mâlwa and all the country south of the river emperor parted with him on terms of great cor- Chumbul, with the holy cities Muttra, Allahabâd, diality, but he sent secret orders to Mobârez Khân, and Benâres. The emperor, however, was not the governor of Hyderabâd, to endeavour to destroy brought low enough yet to concede so much, and him and then to take his government. He obeyed, Asof Jâh, who was growing alarmed at the rapid collected an army, and gave Asof battle; but he progress made by the Marattas, resolved to march met only with defeat and death, and his head, as to the aid of his liege lord. Meanwhile Bâjee Râo that of a rebel, was sent to court by the victor. had arrived within forty miles of Agra, while a Asof then fixed his seat in Hyderabâd, and, though portion of his light troops, under Malhâr Râo Holhe sent from time to time presents to the emperor,kar, were ravaging the country beyond the Jumna. he in other respects acted as an independent Sâdut Khân, however, the governor of Oude, | prince. His chief care now was to secure himself marched against them and drove them back. As against the Marattas. fame magnified this check into a great victory, Bâjee Rão, to efface its effects, passing the Mogul army sent under the vizîr to oppose him, made forced marches and suddenly appeared before the gates of Delhi. As his object was only to intimidate, he did little mischief, and on hearing that the vizîr, joined by Sâdut Khân, was advancing against him, he drew off his forces and retired to the Deckan (1737). Deckan (1737). Asof Jâh soon after arrived at Delhi, where he was made_commander-in-chief, with the fullest powers, and the government of Malwa and Gûzerât was conferred on his son Ghâzi-ud-dîn. The Maratta state at this period had assumed a degree of form and consistency such as it had not as yet possessed. This was owing to the Bramin Bâlajee Wiswanât, the pêshwa or prime minister of rajah Sâho. As a mean toward the future extension of the Maratta power, Bâlajee was careful to keep up the claim of chout and sirdésmuki, and in the case of the former he claimed, though he did not enforce it, a fourth, not merely of the actual revenue, but of that fixed by Todar Mal and Malik Amber. It was also part of his plan to parcel out these imposts to different Maratta chiefs, taking care that none should have so much in any one district as might make him too powerful and independent. The office of pêshwa became hereditary in the family of Bâlajee. The other great office in the state, and which balanced that of the pêshwa, was that of the Pîrtî Nidhî, or Delegate of the Rajah. Bâlajee was succeeded by his son Bâjee Râo, the ablest man after Sevajee that the Marattas have possessed. One of his first acts was to urge the rajah to offensive operations against the Moguls in Hindûstân. "Let us strike," cried he, " the withered trunk, and the branches will fall of themselves.' The rajah gave a willing consent, and Bâjee Râo forthwith ravaged Mâlwa and forced the governor of Gûzerât to consent to the payment of chout (1725). By this time Asof Jâh thought himself sufficiently secure in the Deckan to endeavour to set limits to the Maratta power. Having failed in an | Bâjee Râo having recrossed the Nerbudda at the head of 80,000 horse, Asof Jâh advanced to engage him. But, cautious from age, and relying on his artillery, instead of trying to bring on a pitched battle at once, he resolved to await an attack in a strong position near Bôpâl. The consequence was that the country round was laid waste, his supplies and detachments were cut off, and at the end of about a month he was obliged to commence a retreat, harassed by the persevering foe, and finally to enter into a treaty with the pêshwa, ceding the country south of the Chumbul, and promising to use all his influence with the emperor to induce him to confirm the cession, and to pay in addition fifty lacs of rupees to the Marattas. But ere these matters could be arranged another storm burst over the ill-fated Indian empire from the point whence such calamities have invariably come-the north-west frontier, along the vale of the Câbul. A. D. 1722-40. NADIR SHÂH. 45 CHAPTER XV. Persia Conquest of it by Mahmûd the Afghân-Nâdir Shâh-His Invasion of India-Massacre and Plunder of Delhi-Death of Bâjee Râo-Bâlajee Râo-The Rohillas -Invasion of India by Ahmed Dûranee-AHMED SHÂHThe Marattas in Hindûstân-Ghâzi-ud-dîn-ALUMGÎR II. -Plunder of Delhi by Ahmed Dûranee-Conquest of the Punjab by the Marattas-Power of the Marattas-Attempt to make themselves Masters of all India-Battle of Pânîpat, and Ruin of the Maratta Power. THE Suffavee dynasty had now occupied the throne of Persia for more than two centuries; it had, consequently, like every other Oriental dynasty, sunk and lost all energy beneath the degrading influence of absolute power. In the reign of Hussun Khan (1722), the Ghiljys, a tribe of the Afghans who inhabited the country about Candahâr, and who had some years before made themselves masters of that city, led by an enterprising chief named Mahmûd, resolved to attempt the overthrow of the Persian power, with which for some years they had been at war. At the head of only 25,000 hardy warriors, Mahmûd marched from Candahar, and directed his course for Isfahân, the Persian capital. In the vicinity of that city he encountered the Persian army, of far superior number, splendidly equipped, and well supplied with artillery. But victory was on the side of the warriors of the mountains, and the wealthy and luxurious city with 200,000 inhabitants was invested. Though the Afghans were now only 20,000 in number, by their activity and vigilance they were enabled to repel all sallies, and cut off all supplies, and, after sustaining the horrors of famine for six months, the town was forced to surrender. The king came forth at the head of his nobles, and placed the crown on the head of the conqueror. After a reign of little more than two years, Mahmûd died raging mad, and was succeeded by his nephew named Ashreff (1724). This able prince defended his dominions with success against the Ottoman Turks and the Russians; but he failed in his contest with the Persians led by the greatest man that modern Persia has produced. A son of Shah Hussun, named Tamasp, had fled from Isfahân, and taken refuge with the tribe of Kajar on the shores of the Caspian Sea. Here he was joined by a predatory chief named Nâdir, a native of Khorasan, whose daring exploits had rendered him famous in the country. Nâdir, attaching his fortunes to the royal cause, took the name of Tamasp Coolee, or servant of Tamasp, and, under his able guidance, the troops of Persia finally succeeded in driving the Ghiljyes out of the country (1729). Having carried on wars with success in various quarters, Nâdir finally felt himself sufficiently strong to depose Tamasp, and place the diadem on his own brows. This he did with great solemnity in a general assembly of his army and of all the great officers of the realm on the plain of Môghân (1736). Nâdir now resolved to avenge on the Ghiljyes the evils they had inflicted on Persia, and to restore Candahâr to the empire. After sustaining a long siege, that city surrendered (1738), and his conquest of the Ghiljye territory brought him now into contact with the dominions of the empe | rors of India, who, as we may have observed, had always possessed the region through which the river Câbul flows. Aware of the distracted state of the Indian government, he took advantage of its tardy recognition of his title, and, making it and some other matters a cause of quarrel, he seized the city of Câbul, and marched for the Indus. Meeting with little or no opposition, he advanced toward the Jumna, and at length, within one hundred miles of Delhi, he encountered the army of Mohammed Shâh (1739). The troops of India would have been in no case a match for the hardy warriors led by Nâdir; but the jealousy which prevailed between Asof Jâh and Sâdut Khân contributed still further to enfeeble them. They were therefore easily overcome in the engagement which ensued, and Mohammed was obliged to enter the camp of Nâdir, and accompany him to Delhi. In that city the Persian troops, whose discipline was high, conducted themselves with much propriety, until, upon a report of Nâdir's death, the inhabitants rose and killed about 700 of them. Nâdir then, after making fruitless efforts to appease the tumult, and having been himself assailed with missiles as he rode through the city for that purpose, gave orders for a general massacre. The butchery lasted from sunrise till late in the afternoon, when he issued orders for it to cease. The number of the slain is variously stated from 150,000 to 8000, but that of 30,000 seems nearer to, though perhaps under the truth. But it was money, not blood, that Nâdir sought in India, and the work of pillage now began. Every thing of value belonging to the crown was seized, torture was employed to make the nobles and the inferior inhabitants discover their wealth; the governors of provinces were forced to yield contributions, and Nâdir at length, having obtained all the wealth that he thought India could bestow, quitted Delhi after a residence of fifty-eight days, taking with him a treasure estimated at upwards of thirty millions sterling. He formed a treaty with Mohammed, whom he replaced on the throne, by which all the provinces west of the Indus were ceded to Persia; and this treaty put a final end to the rule of the house of Timûr in Afghanistân. The state of misery and distress in the capital and the empire may easily be conceived, and it might have been expected that the Marattas would have taken advantage of it to extend their power in Hindûstan. But Bâjee Râo preferred resuming operations in the Deckan, where he engaged in hostilities with Nâsir Jung, the son and deputy of Asof Jâh. He met, however, with a more vigorous opposition than he had anticipated, and was glad to come to an accommodation with his opponent. He then set out on his return to Hindûstân, and had reached the Nerbudda when death surprised him (1740). His successor in the office of pêshwa was his son Bâlajee Râo, who was also a man of considerable ability. But he had potent rivals and enemies to contend with, and it required all his address to overcome their intrigues. The most formidable of these rivals was Ragujee Bôsla, who had the charge of collecting the chout in Berâr and the forest-country to the east of it, which rendered him in fact nearly the sovereign of that region. He even attempted to collect the chout to the north of the Nerbudda, but Bâlajee marched in person into that country; and while he was there, and was preparing to insist on the execution of the treaty concluded with his father by Asof Jâh, Ragujee invaded Bengal. The emperor, in his alarm, offered to Bâlajee the cession of Mâlwa, on condition of his aiding him against Ragujee. The offer was gladly accepted; the pêshwa forthwith marched through Bahar and reached Moorshedabâd, the capital of Bengal, in time to protect it against Ragujee, whom he routed and drove out of the province. He then returned to Sattâra (1743), against which he found Ragujee in full march; and so strong was the confederacy that had been formed against the pêshwa, that he deemed it advisable to detach Ragujee from it by conceding to him the right of levying tribute in Bahâr and Bengal. Ragujee's attempts on Bengal were finally concluded by the cession of Cuttac, the southern part of Orissa, and the annual payment of twelve lacs of rupees as the chout of Bengal (1751). The deaths of Asof Jâh and of Rajah Sâho occurred during this period. The former returned to the Deckan to suppress the rebellion of his son, Nâsir Jung, and he died there in the year 17487; Saho's death occurred in the following year. A series of intrigues for the succession followed; but the pêshwa succeeded in placing a prince, named Rajah Râm, on the throne. He was then engaged in hostilities with the successor of Asof Jâh, who was aided by the French; but we shall defer our account of these transactions. The most remarkable event in Hindûstân at this time was the rise of the Rohillas, a people destined to act a conspicuous part in the future history. Numbers of the Afghans of the district of Roh (whence they were called Rohillas) had been in the imperial service. There was among them a man named Ally Mohammed, who was said to have been a Hindoo, and who had been adopted by a Rohilla soldier. He entered the army as a common soldier, and, being a man of talent and energy, he rose, like so many men of the same character, to some rank and influence. He obtained the management of some jagheers; he gradually increased his possessions and took more and more of the Afghâns into his pay and service, and at length he felt himself strong enough to refuse remitting the income of the lands he held to Delhi. He defeated the troops sent against him, and eventually became master of the country between the Ganges and Oude, henceforth named Rohilcund. The emperor at length The emperor at length took the field against him in person, and he was then obliged to submit and content himself with the government of Sirhind (1745). The north-west frontier was destined to send more plunderers in on India. Nâdir Shâh having become abhorred for his tyranny by the Persians, a conspiracy was formed against him, and he was assassinated in his tent near Meshîd (1747). Ahmed Khân, the chief of the Afghâns of the Abdâlee tribe, who were in his service, having made a fruit 7 When he was first made viceroy of the Deckan (above, p. 43), the title of Nizâm-ul-Mulk, i. e. Regulator of the State, had been conferred on him; and this has been the title of his descendants down to the present day. 8 The original seats of the Abdâlees were the mountains of Ghôr, but they were now settled principally about Herât. Ahmed, from some unexplained motive, changed their name to Dûranees, by which name they are known in Indian history. less effort to avenge him, retired with his men into his own country; and his influence was such, that within a short time he was declared king at Candahâr, and his dominions extended from the Indus to the frontiers of Persia. Knowing the weakness and the wealth of India, where he had been with Nâdir, he resolved to attempt conquest in it, and, passing the Indus with only 12,000 men, he took Lahore and advanced to the Sutlej. Here an army under the vizîr and prince Ahmed was prepared to oppose him; but he crossed the river where there was no ford, got into their rear, and took the town of Sirhind, where their stores and baggage lay. He then assailed the entrenched camp of the Indians; but, being repulsed in several attacks, he repassed the river and marched homewards (1748). Within a month after the battle of Sirhind the emperor Mohammed died, and was succeeded by his son Ahmed Shâh. The late vizîr had been killed by a cannon-ball at Sirhind, and the office was now vacant. Ahmed offered it to Asof Jâh, and on his declining it he gave it to Sufder Jung, the son of Sâdut Khân the viceroy of Oude. As Ahmed Dûranee was at this time engaged in the western part of his dominions, the vizîr, Ally Mohammed being now dead, thought the occasion good for making an attempt to destroy his neighbours the Rohillas. He committed the charge of the war to the Afghân chief of Furrockabâd, but, this general happening to fall in battle, the vizîr endeavoured to derive advantage from that event, by depriving his widow of the greater part of her territory. The people, however, rose and called in the Rohillas; the vizîr was obliged to take the field against them; his numerous but ill-disciplined troops yielded an easy victory to the enemy, and the Rohillas soon appeared before the walls of both Lucknow and Allahabad (1750). The vizîr saw now no resource but to call in the Marattas. He applied to the two chiefs Holkar and Scindia, to whom the pêshwa had given settlements in Malwa, and the promise of a large subsidy induced them to lead their forces to his aid; he also was joined by the rajah of the Jâts. At the head of this combined force, he defeated the Rohillas, and drove them to the lower ranges of the Himalaya. As he permitted the Marattas to levy their subsidy from the conquered territory, it was many years before the country recovered from the effects of their ravages (1751). When the vizir returned to Delhi, he found that Ahmed Dûranee had again invaded the Punjâb, which had been ceded to him by the emperor on his demand; he also found that his own influence with the emperor and his mother had been engrossed by a favourite eunuch. This difficulty he easily removed by inviting the favourite to a banquet, at which he caused him to be assassinated. But this only raised up to him a more formidable opponent in the person of Shuhab-ud-dîn 9, the grandson of Asof Jah, a young man of great energy and ability, whom he had himself patronised and raised to the rank of Ameer-ul-Ômrah, with the title of Ghâziud-dîn. This young man readily joined the emperor against his benefactor. A civil war was carried on for six months in the streets of Delhi, when 9 His father, Ghâzi-ud-din (see p. 44), died in 1753, at Aurungobâd, by poison it was said, when on his march against his brother, Salabut Jung. |