throne, and, if there is no passionate attachment to the throne itself, inspire at least a popular sense of loyalty to his own person. But for popularity King Humbert does not care a pin's fee; he has seen enough of the world, and he is sufficiently familiar with history, to know that popularity is easily bought and as easily lost. He by no means looks upon the monarchy as a permanent affair. He would like, of course, to ensure it to his sonparental affection and family pride would decree as much; but further than that his personal desire does not go. He reads the European press assiduously enough to keep himself informed of the progress of the democratic movement; he perceives that that movement is making considerable noise in Italy, but as yet to no definite purpose, for the hosts of Italian Radicalism are meagrely informed, badly trained and feebly led. In Italy there is quite as much democracy as monarchy in the air; monarchy, however, is in possession, and the Italians are shrewd enough to see that they cannot afford to quarrel over the issue just now, while they have a watchful enemy across the border, and the shrewd and patient claimant for the papal temporal power at the very centre of the kingdom. Humbert has no feeling of enmity with France; he meant what he said in April '94 to M. Gaston Calmette. He could have given the Frenchmen proof of his pacific intentions if he had chosen to do so; but to have done so would have been impolitic for Italy. The fact is that Humbert has a

The German Emperor and King Humbert at the "Silver Wedding" Review.

considerable part of his private fortune invested in France; had he confessed this to the Frenchmen, his own subjects would have been patriotically unhappy. However, King Humbert is not wholly unprepared for a future which may realise the indignant warning of Francesco Crispi: "Italy does not need the House of Savoy!"

Crispi said this at the close of an interview which drew the tempers of

historic figure, proud of him as a man of unsurpassed courage, a sovereign who is absolutely without fear. All Italians like him for his manly qualities, which are conspicuous, and to many of his subjects he stand for the ideals of Unity for which Italy fought.

When the German Emperor was in Rome for the celebration of the silver wedding of King Humbert and Queen Marguerite, he said to the royal pair, after they had stood nearly three hours on the little balcony over the chief entrance to the Quirinal, bowing their acknowledgments to the congratulating crowds: "I wish my people loved me as yours love you!"

I saw King Humbert and Queen Marguerite come again upon that little balcony at the close of the review on the King's next birthday, and I thought of what the German Emperor had said to them so short a time before. For on that birthday (in March 1894) there was no popular enthusiasm. This was the more remarkable since the same day was the anniversary of Victor Emmanuel's birth. Crowds of a respectable size had assembled for the review, and to watch the military procession as it passed through the streets. At the end of the affair perhaps a couple of thousand persons went to the square opposite the Palace, and less than a fourth part of them set up a chorus of perfunctory cheers. By-and-by the King and Queen appeared on the little balcony, and were courteously welcomed by the thin crowd. Their Majesties appeared on the balcony but once, and stayed there for less than a minute, and they were not recalled. On former occasions they had been repeatedly recalled, but that day nothing remotely suggesting enthusiasm was apparent. This

scene, contrasting with the greetings previously given to the royal pair in the same place and upon similar occasions, suggests a pertinent query which the reader may put for himself.

A man came through the crowd throwing handbills which called upon the citizens to meet that night at seven o'clock at San Lorenzo in Lucina, just off the Corso, and to march from there to the Quirinal to salute the King. I went to the Quirinal and waited for the procession, but it did not come. I went to San Lorenzo in Lucina; but, save for a display of Venetian lamps around the door of the police station, San Lorenzo in Lucina was in darkness. There was no sign of a crowd. No persons were about except a policeman, myself, and my two companions. The policeman informed us that a band had played there for a little while in the early evening, but that only a small crowd had assembled, that no one had shown an inclination to march to the Quirinal or anywhere else, and that the sole purpose of the small assembly had been to listen to the gratuitous music. So the demonstration was abandoned, and the King went without his salute.

The German Emperor and King Humbert.

The Venetian lamps around the door of the police station in San Lorenzo in Lucina were among the most conspicuous features in what had been announced as "a general illumination of Rome." Here and there a shop, or a Government office, or the window of a private apartment, rivalled the brilliance of the portal at the carabiniers' barrack.

"Viva

borne in state through a concourse of
sixty or seventy thousand people, his
progress being accompanied by frantic.
cheers and the oft-repeated cry:
il Papa! Viva il Papa Re!" ("Long
live the Pope ! Long live the Pope-
King!") Since then, on several occasions,
the Pope has been similarly acclaimed
in St. Peter's by crowds, whose enthu-
siasm has surpassed anything that we
know of in the popular receptions of
contemporary sovereigns.
There is a
contrast between this uproariously ardent
reception of the Pope, and the sedate
greetings which were extended to the
King-a contrast which offers to the
world, as it offers to Italy, an occasion
for reflection.

Signor Crispi.

If Humbert's old-time popularity be not actually waning, the popular affection. for the political system of which he is the figure-head may be diminishing. The Italians may not regret the apparent Unity for which they fought, and for which they have sacrificed so much; but because they fought for it, and because they have made so many sacrifices for it, they do manifestly regret the condition in which they find their country in the year 1896. Unity has not brought them prosperity, happiness, nor domestic peace. To be sure, the King was well received at Venice when he went to meet the German Emperor; he was well received at Florence when he visited Queen Victoria; but probably one-half of the spectators who thronged the canals and streets on those occasions were strangers-foreigners who are always there making holiday. A

ceremonial visit of royalty to those cities stirs a considerable circulation of money. Venice is impoverished, Florence is all but bankrupt; and either town-any Italian town, in fact-will receive with acclamation one who comes to it bringing gifts. The King's birthday celebration in Rome brought few strangers to the capital; but the descent of the Pope from the Vatican to St. Peter's brought thousands of visitors from many parts of the world, and great multitudes of the Roman people. Rome under the King is no longer gay. Her festivals, her brilliant displays, her carnivals, which attracted multitudes of money-spending strangers, are things of the past. In Rome and throughout Italy every section. of society feels the burden of financial depression, and complains of it with bitterness. The administration of the

King Humbert in 1895.

Government has been extravagant, and accusations of corruption are heard on every side. The expenses of the army and navy are far greater than the country can legiti mately bear. The Italians are proud of their land and sea forces, but they object to paying for them. The treasuries of some municipalities are empty, and no way is provided for replenishing them, since the nation is already taxed to the last soldi. At every step an Italian takes he is confronted by a tax. They have a saying that Italian society is divided into two classes -the tax-payers and the tax-collectors. The Budget shows an annual alarmingly increasing deficit. To industrial depression and the financial scandals, which have carried ruin into many homes, high and low, is added a growing agrarian discontent. Italy sees, and what is more than seeing, she confesses, that her great scheme for political liberty has been developed at the risk of material ruin. The nation is straining every resource to avert bankruptcy; and the political liberties upon which she prided herself seem to have been little more than a day's dream. Humbert reigns, but he does

and

not govern. A constitutional sovereign cannot be blamed for failing to do what the law forbids him; but it is easier to make one man feel the pressure of a nation's discontent than to make five hundred men bear the brunt of it. It is easier to treat a king with coolness than to overturn a kingdom. Italy, like the rest of the nations, has still to learn that any country has as good a government as it