The status of the people of the islands has been the subject of much discussion, and of propositions in various forms. It was objected to the article, as prepared in the draft you furnished me, that it was not well adapted to the situation of the people of the islands, because it provided only for their return to Denmark, instead of the general liberty of withdrawal, and, by a natural construction, that they could only retain a Danish allegiance, while there were foreigners in business there from all the commercial countries of Europe; and, further, that the limitation of two years was so shaped as not to mean necessarily that those who remain shall be held to be citizens after two years, and to be liable to the misconstruction that it was a limit to the time within which removal could be effected. These observations seemed to me to well merit consideration. It was proposed, on the other side, simply to express that the people might either become citizens of the United States or retain their natural allegiance, at their choice, which, they insisted, with much force, was the privilege really accorded to all foreigners going to the United States: and that here we were but acquiring a certain number of foreign population. I insisted that, in a case like this, the form of expression they offered was too general, especially in point of time or duration; that it ought to be plain that we acquired jurisdiction not only over mere territory, but over persons; and that there ought to be a time limited beyond which they would be considered as citizens; for otherwise it might happen that if Denmark, by alliance with some other power, found herself at war with the United States, we would find ourselves in possession of an island full of enemy inhabitants, politically considered. After many propositions on both sides, I suggested the eighth article of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, which became the basis of the article in the present treaty. The proposition to insert "civil persons in the protecting clause was much insisted upon, under the belief that its omission might give rise to the fear that all rights of any corporation, however useful and innocent, were lost or dissolved. I insisted, without conditions, upon the exclusion of the expression "civil persons," upon the ground that it might well be construed to mean corporation possessing semipolitical power, or franchises, and monopolies inconsistent with our policy and laws; but, to avoid any misapprehension, offered to insert the words "private rights," which I thought would cover as much as could be well claimed in such a transfer; and this was accepted. The second clause of article 5 has been the subject of the most serious and difficult discussion. As framed in the draft furnished me and in the Russian treaty, it was deemed by the other side much too sweeping, and more especially as liable to the construction that it absolutely abrogated and dissolved all previous grants, franchises, possessions, companies, and corporations in any way desiring title or existence from the Government, which would be as unnecessary as unjust. I urged that the expressions and limitations objected to could only be taken with reference to the legal administration and political sovereignty over the "territory and islands" so declared to be free and unencumbered, especially when taken with the provision already agreed to that private rights should be protected. And I referred them to such monopolies and semisovereign corporations as had controlled large regions in America and Asia, and to grants or permits for the coolie trade, with none of which the United States would be encumbered. I was given the most positive and explicit assurance that nothing of the kind existed in the Danish West Indies, and with this assurance they seemed to think the provision was useless, besides being liable to the misconstruction above named. The question promised to become an irritating one, they constantly proposing to cede the islands in full sovereignty, with nothing more said. There seemed to me some force in their objections; yet, on the other hand, it could be said that if there were no such impediments, where was the harm of excluding them? And their very unwillingness would itself naturally make a negotiator careful to exclude them. Still, seeing the difficulty of the situation, I tried to express the matter in such way as to avoid in great part their objections, and furnish all the safeguard we wanted. They seemed intensely to object to the word "possessions," as striking at all regular legal possessions acquired through government or sovereign grant, and to the word "reservations." as being an intimation of a necessity to guard against reservations by Denmark, when she was offering to cede all she had. They further offered the criticism that to cede away the privileges" and "franchises" held by government in a given territory of its own dominions was not only superfluous, but that no such thing could be, as privileges and franchises, they thought, were held of or under government. and not by it. I framed two propositions, one expressing all the exclusions, so far as they affected administration or sovereignty, with a saving of legal rights already vested, and the other as it now stands in the convention, and gave them choice between the two. Somewhat to my own surprise they accepted the form you now observe in the fifth article. Each had some advantages, and I think we may feel entirely safe with the article as it stands. Indeed, under one construction, not strained or unnatural. it can be held more sweeping than any form could be that undertook to express particular exclusions by name. I should very much regret to know that my conduct in regard to the article did not meet with approval, since the obstacles in the way have been great and my own care in the matter unremitting. The Danish negotiators had asked to see the Russian treaty, which I of course furnished them, and they observed with much point in reference to this article that such a provision might be very appropriate and necessary in a vast wilderness saddled with trapping and fishing monopolies, but be inappropriate to a dense and civilized community with all the various commercial interests in full vigor and motion. It was intimated to me that Count Frijs would address me a note in regard to several things not protected in the treaty, more especially the two telegraph schemes (which now could not well stand together) and the English and French steamers, stating their attitude toward the Danish Government, and expressing the wish and confidence that the United States would have due regard to them. I have not yet received any such note, and should such a one be yet addressed to me, I will acknowledge its receipt and forward it to you. It was at no time suggested that it would be in the form of a notice or protest, and coming in any form after the treaty is signed, it could not have the force of Mr. Clay's letter to Mr. Pedersen, the Danish minister at Washington, in 1826, in relation to claims against Denmark not provided for in the treaty of that year, that letter being “at and before proceeding to the signature of the treaty." After it was definitely agreed what the treaty should be, and only a few hours before signing, I received your last telegram. I read the first sentence, "Concede question of vote," which had already been done under previous instructions, and the last sentence, "Can agent go to St. Thomas immediately," which I answered in my telegram of this date. The intervening characters between these two sentences I can not decipher with entire satisfaction, but I judge it did not so materially affect the matter as to require me to defer the signature until I would have the telegram more accurately repeated. Thus ends a long and tedious and, for an apparently simple matter, a very laborious negotiation. I cherish the lively hope that what has been done at Copenhagen may be approved by the people of the islands and by the President and the Senate. The convention and the dispatch, as also the full power of Count Frijs, will be handed you under one cover by Lieutenant Burhwaldt, of the Danish army, whom I have made bearer of dispatches for that purpose. I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington. GEORGE H. YEAMAN. Mr. Seward to Mr. Hawley. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, October 26, 1867. SIR: This Government has concluded a treaty with Denmark for a cession of the islands of St. Thomas and St. John, in the Caribbean Sea, belonging to that power. The treaty has not been received here, but it is understood that it contains a stipulation that before the cession shall be absolute the vote of the people of the islands shall be taken upon the proposed change of sovereignty. It is also understood that the Danish Government has sent a commission for the purpose of superintending the taking of that vote. As it is desirable that this Government also should not be entirely without the attendance of a representative there, you are requested to proceed to St. Thomas. You will, however, consider your attendance there as of a character entirely confidential. But this direction will not be construed so literally as to prevent you coming into useful communication with the Danish authorities and any consuls or naval representatives of the United States. I herewith hand to you extracts of a dispatch written by the United States minister at Copenhagen, which very distinctly indicate the manner in which it is supposed that your agency can be made useful and effective. You are at liberty also to present yourself to the Danish commissioner, whom you will meet at St. Thomas, and you will show him this instruction and also the extracts of Mr. Yeaman's dispatch. In all things you will practice the utmost frankness with him and absolute deference to his judgment and opinions. It is expected that you will meet Rear-Admiral Palmer, of the United States Navy, with the ship of war Susquehannah, at St. Thomas, who will have instructions similar to your own to cooperate with the Danish commissioner. It is presumed that you will be at no loss for arguments to show those who may have votes upon the subject the advantages which they would derive from transferring their allegiance to the United States, should they think proper to remain in the islands. The market of this country, even now, is an eligible one for their products. It must become much more so in the event of their annexation. As one of the purposes of this Government in the acquisition is to secure a naval station, the inhabitants of the islands will derive benefits from that, which it is needless to expatiate upon. If, too, they should become a part of the domain of the United States, they and their posterity will have the same right to protection by a powerful government in war and to those advantages in time of peace which are enjoyed by other citizens. It is not expected that you will stay in the islands longer than may be necessary after the vote referred to shall have been taken. The Department will expect reports from you during your sojourn there. SIR: I desire to add a word of explanation in regard to the proposition by the Danish cabinet to reserve any debt due by the colonial treasury to the treasury of Denmark, and which was rejected. In my letter to General Raasloff, of the 14th instant, a copy of which I furnished with my dispatch, No. 110, of the 15th instant, I said: "It is in substance only an item or an evidence of the cost of former administration in the islands over receipts.' Upon further inquiry and explanation I was assured that the islands, especially St. Thomas, so far from having been an expense to the home government, has been a source of revenue; that there is an arrangement by which St. Thomas has remitted certain sums regularly by installments, after deducting all expenses of administration, and that it is mainly in respect to these that there is now a balance due for one, there having been no remittance, and for another a remittance by bill having been protested, so that there is now certainly due about 147,000 rigsdales (say about $80,850), and contingently, estimating last installment, considerably more than this. As the convention stands, the United States can not be much concerned in knowing the state of the accounts, except that I did not wish to leave the President and the Senate under the erroneous impression that St. Thomas had been a burden to Denmark and was likely to prove such to our Government. I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, GEORGE H. YEAMAN. Secretary of State, Washington. No. 69.] Mr. Seward to Mr. Yeaman. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, October 30, 1867. SIR: On the 26th day of October your telegram, which announced that the treaty for the cession of the islands of St. Thomas and St. John had been signed and would be immediately sent here, was received. On the 28th day of October I replied to that dispatch by telegraph in the words, "All right; approved." I have now to acknowledge the receipt of your dispatch of the 12th instant, No. 109, which was written before your telegram and in expectation of the important event which the telegram announced. Your dispatch informs me that Mr. Bille will come here as chargé d'affaires. He is well known in our diplomatic circle, and I have no doubt that he will prove an agreeable and useful representative of Denmark. General Raasloff is held in high respect and esteem in the Danish West Indies, and he exercises much influence there. It is, therefore, to be regretted that it is not found compatible with the interests of the Government at Copenhagen that he should be appointed the commissioner to take the vote at St. Thomas. It is not doubted, however, that the gentleman who has been appointed for that purpose will be suitable, agreeable, and efficient. In accordance with your suggestion, the Rev. Charles Hawley, D. D.. has already been appointed by the President to cooperate with the Danish commissioner. He will proceed to St. Thomas in the steamer which leaves New York to-morrow. Instructions have been transmitted to Rear-Admiral Palmer, who commands the North Atlantic Squadron, to proceed with his flagship to St. Thomas and await there the progress of events. I give you a copy of the instructions which have been forwarded to the agent and the admiral, and, unless you see good objection, you may communicate the same confidentially to Count Frijs. I am, sir, your obedient servant, WILLIAM H. SEWARD. Mr. Seward to Mr. Yeaman. No. 70.] [Confidential.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, October 31, 1867. SIR: Please say to General Raasloff that I have received and submitted to the President his interesting letter of the 15th of October. You are also at liberty to inform him, as well as Count Frijs, that a confidential agent of this Department and Rear-Admiral Palmer are on their way to cooperate with the Danish commissioner; also that our consuls have been charged with the same duty. I am, sir, your obedient servant, WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Mr. Seward to Mr. Yeaman. No. 71.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, October 31, 1867. SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your dispatch of the 15th of October, No. 110, which gives some interesting details of your recent negotiation for the cession of the islands of St. Thomas and St. John, and is accompanied by a copy of a note which you addressed to General Raasloff on the 14th instant, in connection with that negotiation. Your more recent advices by telegraph having informed us that the treaty has been conclnded, a consideration of preliminary details at this time seems to be unnecessary. I have no hesitation, however, in expressing a general approval of your proceedings and letter to General Raas off. I am, sir, your obedient servant, GEORGE H. YEAMAN, Esq., etc., WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Copenhagen. Letter of Vice-Admiral David D. Porter to the Secretary of State. UNITED STATES NAVAL ACADEMY, Annapolis, Md., November 6, 1867. SIR: St. Thomas, the principal of the Virgin islands, holds the most prominent position in the West Indies as a naval and commercial station. It is situated in latitude 18 22 north, longitude 65 26 west, and lies right in the track of all ves sels from Europe, Brazil, East Indies, and the Pacific Ocean, bound to the West India islands or to the United States. It is the point where all vessels touch for supplies, when needed, coming from any of the above stations. It is a central point from which any or all of the West India islands can be assailed, while it is impervious to attack from landing parties, and can be fortified to any extent. Nothing can be more beautiful than the town and bay of St. Thomas as seen from the sea. or from the great summit that overlooks them. The bay, at the head of which lies the town of St. Thomas, is almost circular, the entrance being by a neck, guarded by two heavy forts, which, although not capable at present of resisting the heavy ordnance now in use, can be so strengthened and protected that no foreign power could ever hope to take it. St. Thomas is a small Gibraltar of itself, and could only be attacked by a naval force. There would be no possibility of landing troops there, as the island is surrounded by reefs and breakers, and every point near which a vessel or boat could approach is a natural fortification, and only requires guns, with little labor expended on fortified works. It is true that this island was captured by the British in 1807, while under the charge of the Danish Governor Von Scholten, but there was not a shot fired or any effort made to defend the place. This is the only instance where the island has ever been in the hands of a foreign enemy, and the British would have held it to this day, instead of for seven years, could they have done so without difficulties. There is no harbor in the West Indies better fitted than St. Thomas for a naval station. Its harbor and that of St. John, and the harbors formed by Water Island, would contain all the vessels of the largest navy in the world, where they would be protected at all times from bad weather and be secure against an enemy. Gregorie Channel, half a mile to the west of the harbor of St. Thomas, is, if anything, a better harbor than St. Thomas, and inaccessible to any enemy if properly fortified. No enemy's vessel can enter these barbors, for their entrances are so narrow that they can be completely obstructed by heavy chains, against which no ship would venture to run with a number of 15-inch guns firing on her. The harbor of St. John, 8 miles to the east of St. Thomas, is a still better harbor than St. Thomas, and has some advantages not possessed by the latter. It is capable of being thoroughly defended with cannon and chains, and in all these harbors forts of single guns can be built up from height to height in such a manner that the plunging shot would destroy any vessel rash enough to approach within range. If it ever should be intended to make a great naval depot in the West Indies, St. Thomas offers all the advantages and facilities for making dry docks, coal stations, and arsenals, all under complete protection. Great Krum Bay is a natural dock of itself, with a depth of four and a half fathoms, and an entrance 300 feet in width. It would only require filling up across the mouth and to be pumped out to make a fine basin for the largest-sized ships. The natural resources of the island of St. Thomas are not great, unless it may be in minerals yet undiscovered. Its chief value is as a naval station and a great commercial point. Its small size is in its favor, because it can not subsist an army of any kind, and an enemy could not land anywhere without the reach of guns. The whole area of the island is only 45 square miles; the surface rugged and elevated, and almost devoid of trees, which, having been cut down unsparingly, have laid the island open to the sun, and caused a scarcity in the supply of water. This deficiency is, however, supplied by tanks, which are kept filled at all seasons by the rains. No doubt water could be obtained by sinking artesian wells, as at St. John, for there are several springs flowing out of the rocks. The distinguishing characteristics of St. Thomas are its advantages as a place of trade, a fact evinced by the great number and large extent of the merchants' stores, the immense piles of merchandise they contain, and the number of vessels of all nations which are lying in the harbor. It is the great center for all the steam lines that run through the West Indies and to Europe and the United States, and is the stopping place of our United States line to Brazil. No stronger proof of its being a central point than this circumstance is needed. A steamer comes in daily, and in St. Thomas, more than any other place in the West Indies, can we know what is going on in the world. Nothing can be more delightful than the society of St. Thomas. Hospitable to a fault, all strangers, particularly Americans, receive the greatest kindness and attention. These hospitalities are on a scale commensurate with the wealth and importance of the inhabitants. There are few more beautiful prospects than the splendid panoramic view from the highest point in the island, where the whole town and bay of St. Thomas is spread out like a map at your feet, and whence vessels at sea can be seen approaching at a distance of 30 miles. This is, in fact, the best lookout in the West Indies. Nearly all vessels run for the Anegada passage in making the West Indies, and can not pass without b ing seen from St. Thomas. The following named islands |