hand to abridge these rights, and the determination of Great Britain on the other hand to maintain them unabridged, which was begun in 1752, and which was conducted by Great Britain with ever increasing resolution throughout years of ever increasing stress and danger, was ended, for the time, by the secret surrender of the rights made in the Declaration of Paris at a moment when no stress or danger was. What is new is the indifference with which that surrender has been generally regarded or ignored.

But for that surrender the present most lamentable war in South Africa would have been shorter and less bloody. But for that surrender all merchandise, the produce and property of the Transvaal or of the Orange Free State, would now be liable to capture at sea and to confiscation as lawful prize of war, whatever might be its nature or destination, and under whatever neutral flag it might be found. But for that surrender Great Britain might capture every ounce of gold produced in the Transvaal and shipped to Europe in payment for arms, ammunition, or services of any kind. But for that surrender she could capture every kind of merchandise destined to and the property of the enemy, whether contraband of war or not. In short, but for the Declaration of Paris Great Britain could stop the Supplies of the Transvaal carried to it under neutral flags, as well as the payment for those supplies carried from it under those same flags. In consequence, however, of the signing away of her rights by the Declaration, she can, as she now stands, capture and confiscate only what may be decided to be contraband of war, and nothing else whatever; a restriction of her rights under the Common Law of Nations so great as to have brought, in practice, inability to exercise even the right that is left, and

to force her irresistible Navy to look helpless on at the supply of her avowed enemies by her professed friends. In a word, by the Declaration of Paris Great Britain is debarred from the use of the most potent and merciful method of the capture and confiscation of merchandise; and is driven to rely alone upon the far less potent and most unmerciful method of the slaughter and destruction of men.

It is sometimes assumed that the responsibilities of Great Britain begin and end with the defence of the British Islands against invasion. This is far from being the case. She is no whit less responsible for the defence of India and of her other possessions and colonies scattered throughout the world. Besides that, moreover, she is bound by the most solemn engagements, some of them of great antiquity, with reference to the territories of other countries which she has guaranteed.

Thus, she has guaranteed that Belgium "shall form "an independent and perpetually neutral State," and shall "be bound to observe such neutrality towards "all other States," by Article VII of the Treaty of 19th April, 1839.

She has undertaken "in case of the attack of an in"vader to protect Chusan and its dependencies, and "to restore it to the possession of China as of "old," by Article IV of the Treaty of 4th April, 1846.

She has guaranteed that the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg "shall henceforth form a perpetually "neutral State," and "shall be bound to observe "the same neutrality towards all other States," by Article II of the Treaty of 11th May, 1867.

She has given a "guarantee to His Majesty the "King of Prussia his descendants and successors," of

"the possession of" that portion of Saxony ceded to him by the Treaty of 9th June, 1815.

She has guaranteed the integrity and the perpetual neutrality of Switzerland by the Declaration of 20th November, 1815.

She has guaranteed as against Russia, the territories of the King of Sweden and Norway, and has undertaken, in case Russia should make "any proposal or "demand" of cession or exchange thereof, " to furnish "to H.M. the King of Sweden and Norway sufficient "naval and military forces to co-operate with the "naval and military forces of his said Majesty for "the purpose of resisting the pretensions or aggres"sions of Russia," by Article II of the Treaty of 17th November, 1855.

She has guaranteed "the independence and the "territorial integrity" of the Ottoman Empire by Article VII of the Treaty of 30th March, 1856.

She has guaranteed Greece as "a monarchical, independent, and constitutional State" by the Treaty of 7th May, 1832, and by Article III of the Treaty of 3rd August, 1863, and the "perpetual neutrality" of the Ionian Islands under Article II of the Treaty of 14th November, 1863.

She has especially guaranteed as against Russia all the Ottoman possessions in Asia, and "if any attempt "shall be made at any future time by Russia to take "possession of any further territories of H.I.M. the "Sultan in Asia," then "England engages to join "H.I.M. the Sultan in defending them by force of แ arms," by Article I of the Treaty of 4th June, 1878. She has engaged herself to "respect the independence" of the Sultan of Muscat by the Declaration of 10th March, 1862.

She has placed on record her "sincere desire to

maintain" as well as to "respect and promote the integrity and independence of Persia, by an agreement with Russia embodied in correspondence extending from 1834 to 1888."

And most especially and most repeatedly has Great Britain guaranteed her most ancient ally, Portugal. By the Treaties of 16th June, 1373, of 9th May, 1386, of 20th July, 1654, of 28th April, 1660, of 23rd June, 1661, and of 16th May, 1703, the strictest alliance is stipulated between the two countries, and the most complete obligation by Great Britain to defend not alone Portugal itself, but also (by the Treaty of 1661) "to defend and protect all con"quests or colonies belonging to the Crown of "Portugal against all his enemies, as well future as "present"-an obligation which seems to extend even to Delagoa Bay.

Thus, either singly or together with other Powers, Great Britain is under the most serious and solemn Treaty engagements with respect to Belgium, Luxembourg, Switzerland, Sweden, Turkey, Portugal, Greece, Muscat, Persia, and China, engagements which might at any time only be capable of being carried out by force, and for the forcible carrying out of which all her power might not be too much. In view of responsibilities so great, and of an area of liabilities so extended, it would be at least prudent to consider betimes how far it is prudent, or even safe, to forego the major portion of her main power on the seas.

Whether under any circumstances Great Britain should tamely submit to be deprived of her offensive power at sea; whether under present circumstances she can safely submit to it; and whether, in the face of the undisguised hostility and the scarcely dis

b

guised aggressive schemes of Continental military States, she should not now resume that power which alone has ever enabled or ever can enable her to hold her own against them; these are questions which affect not less the issue of the present war in South Africa than the fate of the Empire and the future of the Kingdom.

If to matters so urgent and so momentous, these imperfect and inadequate pages avail to draw some attention, their end will have been achieved.

25, Lowndes Square,

10th March, 1900.

T. G. B.