Stjepan Radić, the Croat Peasant Party, and the Politics of Mass Mobilization, 1904-1928

Couverture
University of Toronto Press, 2000 - 344 pages
1 Commentaire

The name Stjepan Radic is as well known to Croatians as Sir John A. MacDonald is to Canadians. In 1904, Radic mobilized the peasantry to form a populist movement that resulted in the Croat Peasant Party. The CPP fought to reform Yugoslavia's centralist state system and to amend the structural flaws of the parliamentary system. His assassination in 1928 marked the end of the country's short democratic experience; a royalist dictatorship immediately followed. Croatia failed to achieve statehood or autonomy within Yugoslavia, but Radic's indisputably dominant role in the formation of Croatian national consciousness is widely celebrated among Croatians today.

The story of this charismatic, ideologically eclectic politician and his role in nation-building makes for fascinating reading. In North America, with our increasing involvement in the political conflicts of the former Yugoslavia, we cannot afford to remain ignorant of the major historical forces involved in the early Serb/Croat struggles for power and identity. This is an essential work for political scientists and other specialists in the area.

 

Avis des internautes - Rédiger un commentaire

LibraryThing Review

Avis d'utilisateur  - olram - LibraryThing

Surprisingly readable, for such a specialized history. It contains a fairly detailed history of the Croat Peasant Party, from its inceptions to the demise of its first leader, though it's hard to ... Consulter l'avis complet

Autres éditions - Tout afficher

Expressions et termes fréquents

Fréquemment cités

Page 106 - The mass crushes beneath it everything that is different, everything that is excellent, individual, qualified and select. Anybody who is not like everybody, who does not think like everybody, runs the risk of being eliminated. And it is clear, of course, that this "everybody
Page 231 - Croat still remains the fundamental problem, because the Jugoslav state was not in the first instance established on sound lines, and every change attempted during these eleven years has merely been a variation of the original attempt to enforce a rigid centralism, controlled by a small clique in Belgrade.
Page 270 - South Slav Prisoners of War in Revolutionary Russia,' in Essays on World War I: Origins and Prisoners of War, ed.
Page 115 - This document proclaimed the determination of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes to form a united state that would be a constitutional, democratic, and parliamentary monarchy headed by the Serbian Karadjordjevic dynasty. The constitution of the new state would be drawn up by a Constituent Assembly and accepted by a 'numerically qualified majority.
Page 231 - ... super-Serbisme of the latter?" (Italics added.) 10 At another time, in a memorandum to the British minister in Belgrade, Seton-Watson wrote: "The faults on both sides have been gigantic — Croat abstention in the critical years was scarcely less fatal than the tactics of Pasic and his party . . . the Croat leaders have played their cards badly and often demanded impossibilities.
Page 261 - See Ivo Banac, The National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, History, Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1984).
Page 1 - Adam Wandruszka and Peter Urbanitsch, eds., Die Habsburgermonarchie 1848-1918, vol. 3, Die VOlker des Reiches, pt. 1 (Vienna, 1980), 627-30; and Robert A.
Page 272 - "Prevrat" u Zagrebu i stvaranje Države Slovenaca, Hrvata i Srba...
Page 270 - Slavs, the latter responded that 'the Serbian Government could not regard the Austro-Hungarian Yugoslavs as requiring any such special recognition. It had always been the idea of Serbia to liberate them from the Hapsburg yoke and Serbia alone was qualified to do so.
Page 241 - Charles A. Kupchan (ed.), Nationalism and Nationalities in the New Europe (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1995), p. 4. Anthony D. Smith 'Culture, community and territory: the politics of ethnicity and nationalism'.

À propos de l'auteur (2000)

MARK BIONDICH was a post-doctoral research fellow at the Institute on East Central Europe, Columbia University, while working on this book. He is currently with the Centre for Advanced Holocaust Studies, Washington, DC.

Informations bibliographiques