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us : we speak not of putting in and leaving out of the Liturgy, of having leave to intermix some exhortations or prayers beside, take off the deadness which will follow if there be nothing but t stinted forms; we would avoid both the extreme that would ha no forms, and the contrary extreme that would have nothing forms. It is a matter of far greater trouble to us that you wou deny us and all ministers the liberty of using any other pray besides the Liturgy, than that you impose these.” And this precisely the attitude of our modern Nonconformity towards Lite gies in general; not an attitude of unconditional condemnation, of absolute repugnance, but of protest against their exclusive u We are quite willing to admit that our free prayer, unsupplement by any liturgical service, has its peculiar disadvantages ; but could never consent to have even the most perfect Liturgy so us as to exclude what we believe to be one of the greatest privileg and most valuable blessings of our sanctuary worship. Cambridge.
T. C. F
ON THE ABANDONMENT OF THE COLONIES OF
BY E. B. UNDERHILL, F.R.G.S.* That the colonies and dependencies of Great Britain contrib to its advantage and greatness, and are largely benefited by th connection with it, seems scarcely to admit of doubt. Yet of l; the bold proposition has been made to cast them adrift, and to duce the imperial rule of England to the circuit of the seas whi surround its seat. The chief reasons alleged for this wonder abnegation of empire arem-its greater economy; that the sai advantages commercial and otherwise would be enjoyed, were colonies independent nations; and that both colonies and moth country would be safer from aggressiou, and less exposed to dang in a time of war.
The first point which strikes an enquirer into the value of to colonial possessions of Great Britain, is the manner of their fornt tion. Our colonies have not been founded upon the basis of pri ciples carefully investigated, and then carried into executi Economists have not presided at their establishment, nor ; ha politicians generally fostered their growth. Philosophers did it prepare the way, by their meditations on the principles of gover ment and the wants of populations. The colonies have grown, like so much beside that is precious in the constitution of Gre Britain out of the aspirations and necessities of the people ; fra the strivings of conscience after liberty, the attractions of cos
* Author of "The West Indies in 1860.”
merce, the hope of gain, the greed for gold ; or from the settlement of convicts on remote shores, exiled for their crimes from their native land.
The language of Seneca with reference to the different causes which led to the formation of the colonial Empire of Rome, is accurately descriptive of the manner in which Great Britain has spread her people in every clime :-“Alios excidia urbium suarum, bostilibus armis elapsos, in aliena, spoliatos suis, expulerunt; alios domestica seditio submovit; alios nimia superfluentis populi frequentia, ad exonerandas vires, emisit; alios pestilentia, aut frequens terrarum hiatus, aut aliqua intoleranda, infelicis soli ejecerunt; quosdam fertilis oræ, et in majus laudatæ, fama corrupit ; alios alia causa escivit domibus suis.” So, some of the colonies of Great Britain owe their existence to conquest and to success in war, the military or naval forces of the empire wresting them from the hands of other nations; some exist through the more quiet victories of human energy, seeking in other lands the necessities or luxuries which growing wealth and civilization demand ; some have sprung from the cupidity of men, or the degrading hunger for gold; some from the growth of population, too straitly pent up within the borders of its original seat; and some from exiles for nghteousness' sake, searching in desert places, or in untrodden wildernesses, for a home for the sanctuary of their God, and a spot ob which to worship Him free from human dictation and tyranny.
If there exist general laws of colonization, they have simply merged from the chaos of actual facts, and have not been intellifently employed by the founders of colonies to guide them in their Fork, Such however as they are, they come to us with the stamp
experience upon them, and are rather corollaries from events ban principles which economists have wrought.
We do not, however, here intend to speak of all the colonies od dependencies of Great Britain. Some are mere military lations, like Malta or Gibraltar, which owe their existence and maintenance to reasons of State, and the retention of which must
decided by other than economical reasons. Others, as on the dast of Africa, have sprung out of the pational policy to put down de accursed system of slavery. These, to a certain extent, have ... become trade emporia, merchants taking advantage of the potection afforded by the military or naval forces employed, to
ablish factories for the collection of the produce of the interior sed for the sale of articles of English manufacture. Trade here bethes the handmaid of philanthropy, and by its gains helps to Jennify the nation for the cost. The colonies and dependencies cluded in our inquiry, are more particularly the provinces of
America, Australia, or the West Indies, occupied and supled by emigrants from the mother country, or countries like
India, conquered by the valour of her sons, and governed for t benefit of both.
From these colonies and dependencies the mother count Great Britain, derives both greatness and advantage, while th also, in their turn, are benefited by the connection which subsi between them.
Greatness :—There is something awe-inspiring in the fact, t! the Anglican race- the five millions of Anglo-Saxons of thi centuries ago, when colonization began to be a thought in t mind of the first great colonist, Sir Walter Raleigh, and th through his energy a fact-should have so largely multiplied, as only to fill with its progeny the limited borders of its imper home, but have seni forth its children into every clime, seat itself on every shore, gathered under its shield people of manif origin and speech, and founded nations, some in their manho striving alas ! in bitter war for wider regions and a continen empire; others, in their youth, bidding fair to emulate the pow and virtues of the parent from which they sprung. And let it remembered that this greatness, and the consequent weight it gi Great Britain in the counsels of monarchs and the cabinets kings, has not been an object directly sought and kept in view the acquisitions that have been made. It has come out of unfo seen strifes, of undesired victories, from individual enterp and the labours of beneficence. It has been the gift of that P vidence, which “hath made of one blood all nations of men for dwell on the face of the earth, and hath determined the tin before appointed and the bounds of their habitation." Th Great Britain has become the Protectress and Liberator of oppressed. She is able to give the exile from oppression, and slave, a peaceful home, in which intellectual, social, and religi liberty, in all their manifold issues, can be enjoyed, and to prov for the refugee from political or priestly tyranny a shelter which despot dares to invade.
Among the direct advantages which have accrued to Gr Britain, by the formation of the Colonies and the acquisition dependencies, the opening a field for emigration is among chief. During the last seventy years, as is well known, the po lation of these islands has rapidly increased. Cultiration has tended its area, and commerce and manufactures have suppl large sections of the people with employment. Still, there has be left a surplus, some five millions in number, which has found outlet for its energies in governing the conquered nations of East, or in planting civilization in remote and unoccupied regio or in countries, which, if inhabited, were only trodden by a fi wandering savages. It is difficult to estimate the value of ti outflow of our redundant population on the government and admi istration of the laws of the mother country.
Fandering sava redundant po mother
Diminishing employment and declining rates of wages, through the increase of laborers beyond what agriculture or manufacturers could naturally absorb, must have led to discontent, to political results and radical changes in the constitution, which can only be imagined. Happily, the alterations that have taken place, have been beneficial to personal liberty and to social advancement; but with a large unemployed or hungry proletarian population, the nation might have been hurried into the anarchy of a lawless democracy, or caught in the strangling gripe of a relentless despotiste. As it is, the growth of the population, checked by a natural emigration, has allowed a steady progress to be inaugurated in State affairs, at once bringing our laws into harmony with the first principles of social and political science, and securing order and caution in the changes that have been made. Not less advantageous has been the improvement of the lower classes, from the gradual rise of wages and the increase of employment. It is obvious that the increase which has taken place in the population, if it had not been partially provided for by emigration to the Colonies, must have borne with constantly growing pressure on the labour fund of the country, thereby diminishing the share of each worker. The Colonies have opened a wide field for the absorption of our surplus laborers, and also assisted by their demand for home anufactures in supporting those left behind. Thus employment tas been abundant, and the remuneration of the laborer constantly advancing with the growth of our colonial possessions. The comforts of all classes have been multiplied, and the home population Enriched. And more than this, it cannot be doubted that while the increase of the population has been stimulated, emigration has contributed to the improvement of the moral and social condition of the remaining mass. The easier attainment of the means of subsistence has led to earlier marriages, a circumstance conducive both to morality and social happiness; while, by a kind of reflex action, the Colonies have become still more essential to the well-being of the mother country owing to the increase of births over the waste occasioned in human life by disease and death.
One more advantage may be named in this connection, and that is the profitable employment of a portion of the capital of the mother country in the foundation and growth of its Colonies. The profits of the vast commerce of Great Britain undoubtedly tend to an accumulation of capital, which cannot, without difficulty, find advantageous investment. There is a steady decline in the rates of interest, or in other words in the profits of capital; and although the loss of capital by its transference in the hands of emigrants into new regions, must lessen the amount retained in the mother Wuntry, that loss is but temporary in its nature, for it is found in De long period to return to the mother country in the shape of bew articles of consumption, or in profitable trade.
It is, however, objected, that the Colonies and dependencies Great Britain cost sums for their protection and government whi exceed any return they make; and that, therefore, it were cheap to rid ourselves of the burden, and to run the risk of retainii them, when independent, as our customers, and as open fields f emigration. Doubtless, the military service of the Colonies costly; and there is none of them, except India, -and how splend an exception !—which repays from its revenue the cost of gover ment and protection. It is long since England sought from i possessions either a tribute, or the repayment of the sums expende in maintaining the connection. If, however, we closely examii the objection, we shall find, that at the present time the who cost of the Colonies to the mother country, omitting the milita stations, is covered by about two millions sterling. Beyond dou the trade of some of them, as New Zealand and the Cape Colon does not give a profit equal to the expenditure. Some of th unpaying Colonies are, however, in their infancy, and cannot fairness be brought into the argument. But taking the whole our colonial possessions together, always excepting India, t] export and import trade of Great Britain with them is certain not less than £80,000,000 per annum. It is incredible that th enormous trade does not afford a far larger profit to this count than the £2,000,000 the Colonies cost to maintain them. As mere question of pecuniary advantage, the Colonies pay five tim over the outlay which their government and military securi require.
With regard to India, it is notorious, that it not only pa all its own government and military expenses, but also, in the shal of annuities and retiring pensions, remits from three to fi millions sterling to this country every year. It has been compute that if the rebels in 1857 had driven their foreign masters clear 01 of the country, it would still have been profitable to have re-col quered it at a cost to the English nation of two hundred millior sterling.
Not a little unfairness has been shewn to Canada by comparin her with England, and the extent of our trade with her to that the United States. It seems to be forgotten that Canada is as y in her youth, and that she cannot offer to emigrants the advantage which her neighbours can do. Her climate is more inclement, al her soil less fertile. She must, in the nature of things, be fa longer in arriving at a state of prosperity. Still, in her measur she has of late years afforded to Great Britain a fair proportion the advantages which a colony can give; and it is more tha probable, that if the civil war leaves the United States in tha exhausted and heavily taxed condition which appears too certain Canada will become a more favorite field for emigrants, and rapidly acquire the position which may render her independence safe.