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Apocalypse," with the Sun” of Righteousness, and the Spirit shows acceptance in Christ daily to them that “walk in the Spirit.” Here is the source of power—liberty. “Where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty.” He shows us that we have redemption in Christ's blood, that we are “accepted in the beloved One," that we have “boldness to enter into the holiest by the blood of Jesus.” The burden of guilt that stimulated the evil conscience, rendered us desperate, and irritated the flesh to fulfil its works, is taken away. We are drawn “with all saints” towards the God who has thus “ first loved us ;” and we become like to Him whom we learn to love.
Another image is that of a “ graft.” The old corrupt humanity, which under the curse of the law bore nothing but poisonous grapes is cut down. On the stock is grafted the branch of the Lord, which is beautiful and glorious—the Living Word of God. The new vine now bears fruit unto God,—the “fruit of the Spirit* of life in Christ Jesus. Observe how this fruit hangs in clusters, in which all the finest grapes ripen in the sunshine of eternal love, and taste of the sweet sunbeams in which they grew. “The fruit of the Spirit is love, joy, peace, long-suffering, humility, truthfulness (faith), continence, purity." There is a new motive in life God has become real and near and dear in Jesus Christ. The soul, no longer pursued by avenging furies, whose threatenings rendered it hopeless of amendment, “ knows in whom she has believed,” and rests her head upon the bosom of her God—of God who has come near with open arms and open heaven, saying, “ Peace! Peace ! to him that is far off, and to him that is nigh."
In these statements are revealed the secrets of power, the mystery of that supernatural “ life in Christ Jesus," which begins in the gift of God, and repentance from dead works ; is strengthened by the assurance of a salvation from sin already visible; and will be perfected in the resurrection, when “He that raised up Christ from the dead shall also give life to our mortal bodies, on account of His Spirit that dwelleth in us.”
OUR FUTURE STATESMEN.
THE lull of the long vacation, interrupted by no decisive explosion on the Continent, affords leisure for consideration of the political future. The mighty vessel of the English State, richly stored with the produce of a wonderful harvest, crowded with people, and armed at all points with the heaviest ordnance, moves steadily along on
smooth waters, with all sails set, to catch the friendly breezes that bear her onward in her adventurous career. But the horizon agrees with the barometer in predicting the approach of thunderstorms. This run of fine weather cannot last always; and it is impossible to avoid the question, what is the condition of affairs on board in anticipation of a change ? Ugly-looking craft are about, and the sea is covered with rumours of more, that are threatening on the other side of the Atlantic-of low turreted leviathans that roll and bellow with no measured tone of hostility, as they lift their flaming eyes above the ocean in vengeful outlook towards England. Nearer home the British empire is regarded with no specially friendly sentiment by the Powers of Europe. The Spaniards do not love the nation which holds Gibraltar, any more than we should love the Spaniards if they held at our very gates the isle of Portland; and they as little love the nation which has dunned them ignominiously for their debt, rebuked them for their atrocious slave trade, and permits Gibraltar to be made the head-quarters of smugglers, Protestant missionaries, and antagonists of their religion and priesthood. The Emperor of the French, uneasy at the prospect of a domestic opposition, and, as some say, not a little weary of an allanice which has answered its temporary purpose, and now stands Is the chief obstacle to the ulterior designs of French 'traditionary olicy, looks with ill-concealed disgust upon the Government which iwarts him in the East and in the West, and in Central Europe ; hich gives bim the left hand of fellowship, while with the right it rengthens Belgium, Austria, Turkey, and all the old “enemies”
France in every quarter of the world. The Prussian Governent hates us with undisguised cordiality, and the Poles admire sither our policy nor our religion. Russia remembers the Crimean ar, and resents bitterly the diplomatic interference of the present mmer. The Italian democrats and the overthrown Bourbonists val each other in detestation of our “liberalism ; " seeming to the e a perfidious delusion of the aristocrats, to the other a mischiefaking connivance with rebellion. Under such circumstances, it becomes a matter of the last imrtance to ask what is the composition of the British Government. few deaths in Europe, a few seasons in America, must result in risis in the relations of England. Even if no early combinations existing diplomacy hurry forward events to an issue, time itself II bring the death of men, “who seem to be pillars” of the preit system of compromise ; and when they die, pre-eminently the pe, King Leopold of Belgium, and the King of Prussia, to say thing of Lord Palmerston and Lord John Russell—what next? e great moves of European policy during the next ten years
scarcely partake the peaceful aspect of the passing autumn. ince, believing in no future world, devotes her whole soul to the present, and will struggle to impose her will on Europe. Poland, Prussia, Austria, Turkey-all contain volcanic elements. All have " great policies” which they are bent on carrying into execution. It concerns Englishmen to ask what statesmen will be found at the helm during the stormy period that draws near. Lord Palmerston is nearly eighty years of age. He cannot be expected to preserve very much longer the ability to command even in a calm. Even now the languor, compromise, and timidity of the government of à very old man, has pervaded all our domestic and foreign policy, and paralysed the political energies of the country. And when he soon leaves the public scene, as leave it he must, who are the rising statesmen that will prove strong enough to ride the coming storms There is nothing darker in the horoscope of England than the fact that we have not a man, at least upon the floor of Parliament, who if we may judge from present developments, bids fair to display the wisdom and the resolve which, before long, the empire will in all probability so urgently require. Mr. Gladstone is a sound Chancellor of the Exchequer, and a wonderful rheiorician; but who knows anything of his courage, or even of his real principles in foreign affairs ? All we know is, that he is full of the hesitation of an honest speculative thinker, and has never once displayed the nerve of a practical statesman. Lord Russell has conducted a sys tem of neutrality with admirable skill and pertinacity ; but when it comes to taking sides, and doing something, and perhaps encounter, ing one or two Great Powers in arms, it will be found that Lond Russell is more than seventy years of age, and a very obstinate follower of Whig traditions and observances ; a man, moreover remarkably destitute of the power of breathing a victorious enthu siasm into a great nation summoned to fight for its dominion throughout the world. Who, then, is left of the Palmerston com pany? Is it Mr. Layard, good at unearthing Assyrian monuments and celebrating Italian progress-but good for what else in the line of British statesmanship? Is it Mr. Milner Gibson, a doctrinair Radical, and also a devoted patron of penny newspapers ? Is it the Attorney-General, who will be our leader in war, as he is already in holy song; or poor Sir George Grey, or Mr. Frederick Peel, on Lord Carlisle, with his sonorous eloquence and agreeable smile No; England will have none of these for her commanders. Ar there any gentlemen on the hinder benches of either House who may be looked on as the coming leaders? Is it Lord Grey or Horsman who will win the willing confidence of their countrymen by their caustic applications; or Mr. Cobden, who will be sammoned to the helm for the purpose of propitiativg France, ani directing the movements of the English forces; or Mr. Bright, of Mr. Roebuck ? No; they are all good for their own work in que: times, but not one of them would stand us in stead when the
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business was to decide on and to execute a scheme of foreign policy. Let us turn to the Tories. Lord Derby is old and gouty. Lord Ellenborough is courageous and practical, but not beloved or trusted, and, moreover, is too old for empire. What of Lord Stanley? He is clear-headed, liberal, adventurous in sume departments of reform ; but who knows anything of his nerve, or of his principles of dealing in European matters? If he be the man for the coming time, his fitness has yet to be proved. Will Mr. Disraeli help us ? Go, hear his half-crazy oratory in the House, and judge. Will Sir Bulwer Lytton cease to be effeminate, romantic, and conservative, when we demand a ruler? Will Mr. Henley guide the rolling barque? Will Lord Malmesbury inspire England with zeal and determination for her mighty task? Will the amateur Conservatives furnish a Governor to the State, the rising hope of Oxford neo-platonism? No; we shall be without sufficient leaders, unless new men appear for the occasion. On neither side is there one mind or will worthy to be set in battle array against Louis Napoleon and the desperate politicians of Europe and America. Will even Lord Clarendon, who yielded to the French Emperor in the matter of the Belgian press, represent British courage and determination ? And worse than this not only have we no men at present on the scene, strong enough for the place, but we have no principle of action on which the nation is unanimously determined, and by which any man in power should be guided. So long as Lord Palmerston lives and reigns the status quo in foreign policy will be perhaps observed. But immediately that be is gone, the whole theory of our Mediterranean policy may be subjected to violent domestic assault. Already, Professor Goldwin Smith advocates the surrender of Gibraltar by sale, and the eventual overthrow of the Turkish dominion; and he utters the voice of many others. Already, the nation more than hesitates over the prospect of retaiving Canada by force of arms. And already, the philanthropic portion of the people have listened with willing ears to Mr. Bright's reasonable opinions on the wickedness of Chinese wars, and the madness of wantonly irritating the Federal Americans. On all great questions of foreign policy we shall be divided before long into fiercely hostile sections; and this will not facilitate the task of governing the Empire. As for great leaders in war by land and sea, not one is known by name in the army or Davy. The Indian and Crimean heroes are dead and gone. We are travelling forward into the future without great men: Heaven grant that we do not fall into the hands of formalists, or beaurocrats, or political fanatics, after the fashion of the Americans.
This is not, it must be admitted, a very inspiriting view of the future. And being unfavourable, it will be at once set aside to employ Lord Bacon's phrase—by “imaginations as one would." It will be said that the “ Empire is peace"—that Louis Napoleon will never break the repose of the world without England's permission —that he has become a most respectable, and somewhat elderly, European potentate, who always does the correct thing in diplomacy, always will be able to command and to control the fanaticism of the French army, clergy, and functionaries. Besides, there are twenty accidents possible-he may die, and then the Empire will perhaps break up, and the French army lose its power. Or, if he live, the army will not wish to go to war anywhere, and may altogether lose the old passion for plunder and glory. Or the French will become so well occupied in an American and Prussian war, that all we shall have to do will be to stand by and see them cut one another to pieces. Well, these things may happen, or they may not; all we say is, that if they do not happen, but some thing quite different, then England will be obliged to invent new governments, and make up her mind or her principles on the sudden, for neither the men nor the principles are before the public at present. And it will prove a difficult business to officer the ship and decide on the principles of navigation after the battlestorm has begun. Certainly, however great and good may be Lord Palmerston and Lord Russell, their greatness has not been of the sort which raises up and inspires a school of young states. men ; for the best of all reasons, that their policy both at home and abroad consists in having no principles, except that of keeping your fingers out of the fire at any cost of character. A policy having a reason and a moral purpose, and a prophecy of future good to come to England and the world, has never entered even their imaginations. These Whig noblemen are fair-weather pilots, and would either turn sea-sick or go mad if the French Emperor were to tell them that he would endure their shilly-shally alliance no longer. In one word, we are in a tempting condition for disturbance, or for a defiance, which must bring on first defence and then an assault ; and we are in a very bad political condition for a great war. As laws are vain without manners to support them, so artillery is vain without men to govern the nation that employs it, and a definite principle to rule the nation. England is indeed so happy that she may outlive every storm; but ap parently nothing except some tremendous crisis will wake up the nation to take an earnest interest in either domestic or foreign politics. The existing Parliament is no ornament to our generation—not so much because it will do no great things in domestic reform, as because it is devoid of earnestness, principle, and courage. Yet it is the miniature picture of the nation. Who in Parliament cares for the Church, except to bolster up its corruptions ?—who for reform ?—who for the principles of our foreign alliances ? The question of practical interest is the dinner provided