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Apocalypse," with the Sun” of Righteousness, and the Spirit shows acceptance in Christ daily to them that “walk in the Spirit." Here is the source of power-liberty. “Where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty. He shows us that we have redemption

' in Christ's blood, that we are “accepted in the beloved One," that we have “ boldness to enter into the holiest by the blood of Jesus." The burden of guilt that stimulated the evil conscience, rendered us desperate, and irritated the flesh to fulfil its works, is taken away. We are drawn “with all saints” towards the God who has thus “ first loved us;” and we become like to Him whom we learn to love.

Another image is that of a “graft.” The old corrupt humanity, which under the curse of the law bore nothing but poisonous grapes is cut down. On the stock is grafted the branch of the Lord, which is beautiful and glorious—the Living Word of God. The new vine now bears fruit unto God,—the “fruit of the Spirit" of life in Christ Jesus. Observe how this fruit hangs in clusters, in which all the finest grapes ripen in the sunshine of eterna! love, and taste of the sweet sunbeams in which they grew. "The fruit of the Spirit is love, joy, peace, long-suffering, humility, truthfulness (faith), continence, purity." There is a new motive in life God has become real and near and dear in Jesus Christ. The soul, no longer pursued by avenging furies, whose threatenings rendered it hopeless of amendment," knows in whom she has believed," and rests her head upon the bosom of her God-of God who has come near with open arms and open heaven, saying, "Peace! Peace! to him that is far off, and to him that is nigh."

In these statements are revealed the secrets of power, the mystery of that supernatural “ life in Christ Jesus,” which begins in the gift of God, and repentance from dead works ; is strengthened by the assurance of a salvation from sin already visible; and will be perfected in the resurrection, when “He that raised up Christ from the dead shall also give life to our mortal bodies, on account of His Spirit that dwelleth in us.”


The lull of the long vacation, interrupted by no decisive explosion on the Continent, affords leisure for consideration of the political future. The mighty vessel of the English State, richly stored with the produce of a wonderful harvest, crowded with people, and armed at all points with the heaviest ordnance, moves steadily along on

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smooth waters, with all sails set, to catch the friendly breezes that bear her onward in her adventurous career. But the horizon agrees with the barometer in predicting the approach of thunderstorms. This run of fine weather cannot last always; and it is impossible to avoid the question, what is the condition of affairs on board in anticipation of a change? Ugly-looking craft are about, and the sea is covered with rumours of more, that are threatening on the other side of the Atlantic—of low turreted leviathans that roll and bellow with no measured tone of hostility, as they lift their flaming eyes above the ocean in vengeful outlook towards England. Nearer home the British empire is regarded with no specially friendly sentiment by the Powers of Europe. The Spaniards do not love the nation which holds Gibraltar, any more than we should love the Spaniards if they held at our very gates the isle of Portland; and they as little love the nation which has dunned them ignominiously for their debt, rebuked them for their atrocious slave trade, and permits Gibraltar to be made the head-quarters of smugglers, Protestant missionaries, and antagonists of their religion and priesthood

. The Emperor of the French, uneasy at the prospect of a domestic opposition, and, as some say, not a little weary of an aliance which has answered its temporary purpose, and now stands is the chief obstacle to the ulterior designs of French traditionary' policy, looks with ill-concealed disgust upon the Government which hwarts him in the East and in the West, and in Central Europe ; chich gives him the left hand of fellowship, while with the right it trengthens Belgium, Austria, Turkey, and all the old “enemies f France in every quarter of the world. The Prussian Governnent hates us with undisguised cordiality, and the Poles admire leither our policy nor our religion. Russia remembers the Crimean var, and resents bitterly the diplomatic interference of the present

The Italian democrats and the overthrown Bourbonists ival each other in detestation of our “liberalism;" seeming to the me a perfidious delusion of the aristocrats, to the other a mischiefbaking connivance with rebellion.

Under such circumstances, it becomes a matter of the last imortance to ask what is the composition of the British Government. I few deaths in Europe, a few seasons in America, must result in crisis in the relations of England. Even if no early combinations f existing diplomacy hurry forward events to an issue, time itself rill bring the death of men, “who seem to be pillars” of the preent system of compromise ; and when they die, pre-eminently the 'ype, King Leopold of Belgium, and the King of Prussia, to say othing of Lord'Palmerston and Lord John Russell—what next? he great moves of European policy during the next ten years in scarcely partake the peaceful aspect of the passing autumn. rance, believing in no future world, devotes her whole soul to the

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present, and will struggle to impose her will on Europe. Polan Prussia, Austria, Turkey—all contain volcanic elements. All ha " great policies” which they are bent on carrying into executio It concerns Englishmen to ask what statesmen will be found at t helm during the stormy period that draws near. Lord Palmerst is nearly eighty years of age. He cannot be expected to preser very much longer the ability to command even in a calm. Er now the languor, compromise, and timidity of the government à very old man, has pervaded all our domestic and foreign poli and paralysed the political energies of the country. And when soon leaves the public scene, as leave it he must, who are the ris statesmen that will prove strong enough to ride the coming storn There is nothing darker in the horoscope of England than the f that we have not a man, at least upon the floor of Parliament, w if we may judge from present developments, bids fair to disp the wisdom and the resolve which, before long, the empire will all probability so_urgently require. Mr. Gladstone is a sou Chancellor of the Exchequer, and a wonderful rheiorician; but w knows anything of his courage, or even of his real principles foreign affairs ? All we know is, that he is full of the hesitation an honest speculative thinker, and has never once displayed th nerve of a practical statesman. Lord Russell has conducted a sy tem of neutrality with admirable skill and pertinacity ; but when comes to taking sides, and doing something, and perhaps encount ing one or two Great Powers in arms, it will be found that L Russell is more than seventy years of age, and a very obstin: follower of Whig traditions and observances; a man, moreov remarkably destitute of the power of breathing a victorious ent! siasm into a great nation summoned to fight for its domini throughout the world. Who, then, is left of the Palmerston co pany? Is it Mr. Layard, good at unearthing Assyrian monume: and celebrating Italian progress—but good for what else in the l of British statesmanship? Is it Mr. Milner Gibson, a doctrina Radical, and also a devoted patron of penny newspapers ? Is it Attorney-General, who will be our leader in war, as he is alrea in holy song; oc poor Sir George Grey, or Mr. Frederick Peel

, Lord Carlisle, with his sonorous eloquence and agreeable smil No; England will have none of these for her commanders A there any gentlemen on the hinder benches of either House w may be looked on as the coming leaders? Is it Lord Grey or ) Horsman who will win the willing confidence of their countrym by their caustic applications; or Mr. Cobden, who will be sor moned to the helm for the purpose of propitiativg France, at directing the movements of the English forces; or Mr. Bright, Mr. Roebuck? No; they are all good for their own work in qua times, but not one of them would stand us in stead when

business was to decide on and to execute a scheme of foreign policy. Let us turn to the Tories. Lord Derby is old and gouty. Lord Ellenborough is courageous and practical, but not beloved or trusted, and, moreover, is too old for empire. What of Lord Stanley? He is clear-headed, liberal, adventurous in sume depart

, ments of reform ; but who knows anything of his nerve, or of his principles of dealing in European matters? If he be the man for the coming time, his fitness has yet to be proved. Will Mr. Disraeli help us? Go, hear his half-crazy oratory in the House, and judge. Will Sir Bulwer Lytton cease to be effeminate, romantic, and conservative, when we demand a ruler? Will Mr. Henley guide the rolling barque? Will Lord Malmesbury inspire England with zeal and determination for her mighty task ? Will the amateur Conservatives furnish a Governor to the State, the rising hope of Oxford neo-platonism? No; we shall be without sufficient leaders, unless new men appear for the occasion. On neither side is there one mind or will worthy to be set in battle array against Louis Napoleon and the desperate politicians of Europe and America. Will even Lord Clarendon, who yielded to the French Emperor in the matter of the Belgian press, represent British courage and determination ? And worse than this-not only have we no men at present on the scene, strong enough for the place, but we have no principle of action on which the nation is unanimously determined, and by which any man in power should be guided. So long as Lord Palmerston lives and reigns the status quo in foreign policy will be perhaps observed. But immediately that be is gone, the whole theory of our Mediterranean policy may be subjected to violent domestic assault. Already, Professor Goldwin Smith advocates the surrender of Gibraltar by sale, and the eventual overthrow of the Turkish dominion; and he utters the voice of many others. Already, the nation more than hesitates over the prospect of retaiving Canada by force of arms.

And already, the philanthropic portion of the people have listened with willing ears to Mr. Bright's reasonable opinions on the wickedness of Chinese wars, and the madness of wantonly irritating the Federal Americans. On all great questions of foreign policy we shall be divided before long into fiercely hostile sections; and this will not facilitate the task of governing the Empire. As for great leaders in war by land and sea, not one is known by name in the army or Davy. The Indian and Crimean heroes are dead and gone. We are travelling forward into the future without great men: Heaven grant that we do not fall into the hands of formalists, or beaurocrats, or political fanatics, after the fashion of the Americans.

This is not, it must be admitted, a very inspiriting view of the future. And being unfavourable, it will be at once set aside to employ Lord Bacon's phrase—by “imaginations as one would.”

It will be said that the “ Empire is peace "—that Louis Napoler will never break the repose of the world without England's permissio that he has become a most respectable, and somewhat elderly European potentate, who always does the correct thing in dipomacy, always will be able to command and to control the fanatics of the French army, clergy, and functionaries. Besides, there are twenty accidents possible-he may die, and then the Empire w2 perhaps break up, and the French army lose its power. Or, if la live, the army will not wish to go to war anywhere, and may altogether lose the old passion for plunder and glory. Or the French will become so well occupied in an American and Prussia war, that all we shall have to do will be to stand by and see then cut one another to pieces. Well, these things may happen, a they may not; all we say is, that if they do not happen, but some thing quite different, then England will be obliged to invent Det governments, and make up her mind or her principles on the sudden, for neither the men nor the principles are before the pull: at present. And it will prove a difficult business to officer te ship and decide on the principles of navigation after the baizh storm bas begun. Certainly, however great and good mar? Lord Palmerston and Lord Russell, their greatness has not xxi of the sort which raises up and inspires a school of young & men ; for the best of all reasons, that their policy both at lave and abroad consists in having no principles, except that of keer ing your fingers out of the fire at any cost of character. A pixy having a reason and a moral purpose, and a prophecy of future good to come to England and the world, has dever entered eTex their imaginations. These Whig noblemen are fair-weather pics and would either turn sea-sick or go mad if the French Emperx were to tell them that he would endure their shilly-shally a liard no longer. In one word, we are in a tempting condition for di turbance, or for a defiance, which must bring on first defence and then an assault; and we are in a very bad political condition is a great war. As laws are vain without manners to support them, so artillery is vain without men to govern the nation that employs it, and a definite principle to rule the nation. Englan! is indeed so happy that she may outlive every storm; but sp parently nothing except some tremendous crisis will wake up the nation to take an earnest interest in either domestic or foreigo politics. The existing Parliament is no ornament to our gene ration-not so much because it will do no great things in domesti reform, as because it is devoid of earuestness, principle, courage. Yet it is the miniature picture of the nation. Why in Parliament cares for the Church, except to bolster up ruptions ?—who for reform ?—who for the principles of our foreign alliances ? The question of practical interest is the dinner provided

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