"Whom the Lord loveth He chasteneth, and scourgeth" (the severest kind of discipline) "every son whom He receiveth" (Heb. xii. 6). We find, also, that God's dealings with His most honoured servants, in the records of the past, are in harmony with this. How protracted and painful were the afflictions of Job and of Joseph-of Jacob and of David-of Jeremiah and of Paul! There is a cloud of witnesses attesting this as their experience of whom the assurance is, "They were stoned, they were sawn asunder, were tempted, were slain with the sword: they wandered about in sheep-skins and goat-skins; being destitute, afflicted, tormented" (Heb. xi. 37). We should be more earnest for a blessing on afflictions, and profit by them, than about being exempted from them.

2d. Cause of thankfulness that the Bible abounds so much with comfort and counsel to the afflicted.

One great design of the Bible is to be a storehouse of consolation and direction to God's afflicted people. How many bright patterns is there held forth for their imitation! How many exceeding great and precious promises, for the fulfilment of which they are to look with confidence! for not so much as one of them can fail. How many names, which may be to them as ointment poured forth in the day of trouble, to which God has answered in the experience of His people, and will ever answer! And in what cheering lights are the issues of all their afflictions held forth to them! In the Bible there is assurance of God's gracious presence with His people in all their afflictions. "When thou passest through the waters, I will be with thee; and through the rivers, they shall not overflow thee: when thou walkest through the fire, thou shalt not be burned; neither shall the flame kindle upon thee (Isa. xliii. 2). It assures them of Divine support: "Fear thou not; for I am with thee: be not dismayed; for I am thy God: I will strengthen thee; yea, I will help thee; yea, I will uphold thee with the right hand of my righteousness" (Isa. xli. 10). It assures them that all is working for their good: "And we know that all things work together for good to them that love God, to them who are the called according to His purpose" (Rom. viii. 28). He is a refuge for the oppressed, a refuge in times of trouble: "The Lord also will be a refuge for the oppressed, a refuge in times of trouble" (Psalm ix. 9). These are specimens of the inexhaustible stores of consolation with which the Bible is replenished.

3d. The necessity of faith and scriptural knowledge, in order to comfort in the season of deep affliction. There is only one source whence we can draw comfort in prospect of our own death, or that of relations and friends-God, as He is revealing Himself graciously in His Word; and from this source of comfort all are excluded who know not the Scriptures, and have not faith in the revelation which they contain. Without this light, men are surrounded with deep darkness in the night of trouble. All earthly refuges are failing them, and the heavenly are hid from them-all seen things are passing from them, and they have no hope that can realise the unseen and eternal to their minds. Of how great importance, then, is it to be truly acquainted with the Scriptures, which are able to make wise unto

salvation! This is the light which shineth in a dark place, to which we do well to give heed. But, without faith, we cannot make true use of the light of the Bible. It is by this alone that we can see

more rar

for 1

rious objects revealed in this Book-only thus that

and of God in all dispensations, and the character of Ker, so as to be comforted by the assurance that all dered in the best way, and working for our good, howteriously, and taught to be dumb, not opening our mouth; ll is done in unerring wisdom and incomprehensible love.

POPISH RIOTS.

THESE have become of late so frequent, that our country is assuming a Continential aspect. In proportion as Popery has been pampered by Parliament, have these physical force demonstrations occurred in various parts of the country. It must be apparent to every careful observer of the signs of the times, that there is an attempt to stifle discussion in Parliament itself, by the braying of Popish members, while this is being carried out by mob-violence in localities hitherto peaceful and prosperous. In Birkenhead, London, Glasgow, and Belfast, daring attempts have been made to stifle the voice of freedom, in regard to either the preaching of the gospel, or the discussion of political subjects. It is impossible that such things could occur without organisation and preconcerted design. It is simply a modern phase of Popish aggression, at least in Britian. We believe it is the first instalment of that reward which Popery gives to every country where it is politically nursed and cherished.

In the present riots we see the baneful fruits of the Emancipation and Maynooth Endowment Acts. By the former the Government is kept in leading-strings, while by the latter the priesthood are sent out in thousands to corrupt the land. On every hand monasteries and nunneries are being established; while in our larger cities the misnamed "sisters of charity" are besieging hotels and mansions under the pretence of helping the poor, while their real object is proselytism, and the pampering of a tribe of loose retainers, who will neither work nor want. Even in Glasgow, we have observed these defrauders" of society driving in a beautiful spring-van, inscribed, in golden letters, with the deceptive title, "Little sisters of the poor." It is thus that Popery can assume its insignia of varied forms without exciting any jealousy on the part of Protestants; while Protestant emblems must be everywhere suppressed, lest Popish jealousy should be excited. We are passing, from step to step, till that point which will require another revolution, or at which there will be the entire suppression of freedom in speech or action.

The Belfast riots are a specimen of what is awaiting this country, should our present course of policy be long continued. Even as it is, life and property have been sacrificed to the fury of the Popish mob. That a town like Belfast should be left at the mercy of rioters for nearly

a fortnight is a disgrace to our rulers. That innocent families should be kept in terror by bands of ruffians-that their windows should be broken, and their houses rifled in broad day-light, recalls something worse than Neapolitan brigandism, where robbery is the business of life. In Belfast, enmity to Protestanism lies at the base of this mobviolence. It is neither politics nor plunder, but hatred to religion and Protestant liberty. We are aware that many, through false liberality, blame Protestants and Papists alike; nay more, that some sections of the Protestant press have cast the blame chiefly on "the Orange factions." But the history of the riot brings out facts which tell where the blame chiefly rests. The Papists have frequently, of late, created disturbance in Belfast without provocation, unless such as the preaching of the gospel, or the free expression of sentiment is calculated to produce. Even as regards the origin of the recent riots, we hold that the mill-workers in Belfast have as good a right to burn the effigy of the man who was tried and imprisoned for treason, as the Papists of Dublin had to lay the foundation of his monument in the capital. The former act was at least on the side of loyalty, while the latter is designed to foster the spirit of treason. Then, if we take the facts of the riot, the contrast between the conduct of the parties is very marked. The Popish mob mustered at St Malachi's chapel, under the eye and guidance of the priesthood. From thence they proceeded to destroy Protestant places of worship-Presbyterian and Wesleyan alike. Then the houses of unoffending citizens in Protestant streets. Then they attacked the National School in Brown Street, regardless of the lives of the teachers or five hundred children. There were other cases in which the cowardly assailants wrecked the houses of Protestants on either side of those of Papists, while the latter were left unmolested. No such things are chargeable against the Protestant party. True, they also fought in self-defence, and, when challenged by the navvies, turned out in sufficient force to overawe their cowardly assailants; but, in their demonstration of physical force, they did not disturb the houses of Papists, nor did they wreck either schools or chapels. If they have retaliated strongly, the provocation was very great, and the only wonder is, that they have not taken speedy vengeance on the violators of their homes and churches.

The whole matter is ground of shame and humiliation; but it is only such an event as may be expected, wherever there is physical force sufficient to ensure success.

In connection with these riots, there is one source of both weakness and danger little recognized, and seldom alluded to-viz., the sympathy with Popish rioters felt by their co-religionists in the constabuJary force. Many of the police, as really as the mob which they are sent to quell, are under the guidance of the priesthood. It is a fact that a very large proportion of the constabulary in Ireland are Papists; and even in our great English and Scottish cities, they are found, in large proportions, as the guardians of the public peace. The time seems to be come when the danger of admitting the vassals of the Pope to places of power and trust in a Protestant country is rendered apparent. It is impossible to convince the present generation that the subjects of

Pius cannot be good or safe citizens; but the recent attempts to subvert civil and religious freedom may perhaps enable men to distinguish things that differ. As there cannot possibly be a double allegiance to opposing sovereigns, it is vain to expect loyalty from Papists in a Protestant country. The liberty to break faith with heretics, and the easy absolution attainable for any crime against Protestants, removes every security for the discharge of social duties. It is pure infatuation to pamper Popery as has of late been done in Britain. Politicians are beginning to complain that the fruits of the Emancipation and Maynooth Endowment Acts have not been such as were expected; but few, if any, see that these expectations were formed in total ignorance of the genius of Popery. Hard facts, such as fell out in the earlier struggle with Popery at and subsequent to the Reformation, will alone teach the country that Popery is not to be trusted. As men will not believe the description given of "The Mystery of Iniquity" in the Word of God, there is reason to expect that they will at length discover its nature through the chastisements of His providence. Idolatry was at once the seducer and the scourge of ancient Israel; and so it has been in the whole history of Popery in Europe. Britain is once more cherishing the elements of destruction within her bosom, while she is provoking the God of truth by her alliance with Antichrist. There is no halting-place between the position taken by our reforming fathers in the abjuration of Popery, and subjection to its power. We must keep separate from the sins of the Papacy if we would escape its threatened plagues.

Just in proportion as Church and State have receded from their covenanted position, in that proportion has Popery gained courage and strength. The general alienation of all ranks and classes, at the present time, from the principles of the Reformers, is preparing the way for the aggressions of Popery. As matters stand, the train is laid for its establishment over the whole country. As long as the Papacy can furnish prisoners and paupers for our jails and workhouses, there will never be wanting the demand for chaplains, and all the paraphernalia deemed requisite in their idolatrous rites. Already has the question of furnishing a chapel been raised at the poors-board in Preston, and keenly contested. When the matter was likely to to become too hot for the interests of Popery, the priest proposed that it should be done through private liberality. But he has gained the point of having idolatry set up within the premises of the poorlaw guardians, involving the nation implicitly in the act of erecting a shrine to Antichrist. If God said of old to Israel regarding idoloatry, "Oh do not this abominable thing that I hate," and, because it was done, poured out His fury and anger until the cities of Judah and Jerusalem were wasted and desolate, what can we expect if, with greater privileges, we re-establish Popish idolatry?

Whatever men may say politically, in the way of excusing Popish rioters, we cannot but feel that these outbreaks are the warnings of Providence to a slumbering nation, which, if disregarded, may ere long be followed by such judgments as backsliding Israel was made to experience. If the liberty of speech is suppressed, as has been

done in Birkenhead, where a street preacher has been sent to prison lest he should offend Popish ears, and if the doors of our jails and poorhouses are at the same time opened to the intrigues of the Romish priesthood, what can we expect but the threatened retribution?

As matters now stand, a riot, and the incarceration of the rioters, will only effect an additional claim for the appointment of a chaplain; while the greater the number of the Popish poor in the almshouse, the heavier will be the drain upon the public treasury. Crime and poverty are thus the aids of the Papacy. The priesthood of Rome can live upon the very corruption which their delusions have fostered. We look upon the riots of recent times as the first instalments of national tribulation-the beginnings of another bloody struggle between despotism and civil liberty.

Critical Notices.

Plea for a New English Version of the Scriptures. By a Licentiate of the Church of Scotland. Ως φρονιμοις λεγω· κρινατε ὑμεῖς ὁ φημι (1 Cor. x. 15). London: Macmillan & Co. 1864.

THIS is a work of high merit. The author had qualified himself for the work undertaken by a thorough acquaintance with the original languages in which the sacred Oracles were written. He has also spared no pains in examining the wide field of research, by an investigation of which the true reading of the sacred text is best determined. His proposed emendations of the common translation are in general very judicious, and the reasons for them clearly stated. He sometimes allows himself to speak in rather stronger terms of certain renderings in the authorised version than is necessary for his object, or seems meet. We are glad to find another distinguished modern commentator and biblical critic (Scrivener) write of it in the following highly eulogistic strain:

“To this holy task (that of careful translation) a large body of the best divines in the kingdom devoted themselves for above three years, translating, revising, and debating with each other on the numerous difficulties which arose, till at length they produced our authorised translation—a work of such surpassing merit, that it at once superseded all previous attempts, and closed the older versions for ever on every one save the biblical antiquarian.

"So amply furnished were King James's translators with all the theological learning of a learned age, that there was no risk of their falling into errors which could seriously affect the belief of their readers on any of the great points of Christian doctrine.

"The general sense of Holy Writ was apprehended by them at least as well as by ourselves: they drank deeply (how much more deeply than we are wont to think!) of the waters of life; and if they knew little respecting the critical niceties which characterise high scholarship at present, it was no fault of theirs that they could not anticipate the results of the long labours of those who were to follow them."* Scrivener's "Notes on Matthew," Introduction.

*