from whom you may learn some other things more useful than the telegraph which we have adopted. With them superior merit and bravery alone promote their private men from the ranks, and place them in command, and even at the head of their armies. See the never-failing consequence of this practice in their last brilliant victory at Lodi, when a column of their bravest grenadiers were for a moment stopped; and hesitating at the furious cannonade of the Austrians, six of their generals rushed foremost at the head of the column, gave the command, and (what was better) their example in front, the victory immediately followed.

"You, gentlemen, the electors of Westminster, and all the other electors throughout England, will do well to consider and to ask yourselves these questions:

"In our present cruel struggle between liberty and slavery, who are the persons starving for want of bread?

"To whom do the ministry propose a substitute for bread?

"Who are the persons oppressed, beggared, dishonoured, vilified, and ruined?

"Who are languishing and rotting in their gaols?-[4 voice from the crowd said, Horne Tooke.]-It is true, I have been frequently in prison, but at present I had forgotten myself, I was thinking only of you.

"I wish you to consider, who are sentenced to be flogged to death; or are tortured (the cruelest of all tortures) with putrid diseases in their prisons?

"Who are sent as felons to Botany Bay? Who are cast into dungeons, and treated and tried as traitors?

[Many persons present exclaimed, "the people."]

"Gentlemen, you say true. It is so. It is we; we, the privates in the ranks.

"Where all this while were our political general? Where were our right honourable and honourable representatives? Behind, safe, and in the rear, reposing on their beds of pension and privilege.

“Gentlemen-Believe me, you cannot possibly have the smallest chance, you cannot reasonably entertain even the smallest hope of success, unless at your elections you pass by these lords and these lordlings, these barons and baronets, and choose your representatives from amongst the privates in the ranks."

The other speeches pronounced by Mr. Tooke at the close of each day's poll, during the contest in which he was engaged, are collected in the pages of his biographer, as constituting a brilliant feature of his public life. Men view these things through very different media. Some are of opinion, that addresses to the people upon these occasions, are entitled to a large and liberal measure of indulgence; that a candidate is at full liberty to avail himself of the temper of the multitude, and to ride upon their favour, however acquired, to the accomplishment of his object. That what would be foul detraction at another time, is

legitimate abuse upon these occasions; and that falshood and exaggeration lose their essential qualities in the mouth of an election orator, and become the harmless figures of his privileged rhetoric. Others view these matters very differently. They insist upon the universality of the rules of truth and honesty; and particularly, that there is a sort of reverence due to ignorance which casts upon the virtuous mind a more than ordinary care of what proceeds from him in the presence of raw and uninstructed hearers. Phocion, upon hearing himself applauded by the multitude, expressed to somebody near him his apprehension that some bad thing must have escaped his lips to account for the acclamation. There is no doubt, therefore, how Phocion would have decided between the two opinions above alluded to; and we trust we shall not disgrace ourselves as christians by copying that honest heathen in most of his political sentiments, particularly in his hatred of tyranny, whether it be the tyranny of established rule, the tyranny of usurpation, the tyranny of faction, or the tyranny of tumultuous force.

The contest for Westminster in which Mr. Tooke made so distinguished a figure was terminated on the 13th June 1796, Mr. Tooke having lost his election after having polled 2819 votes; and as all these were considered as pure votes, the defeat of that gentleman was by his friends regarded as a virtual triumph, and as such was celebrated at the Crown and Anchor Tavern, by a very numerous assembly, with a laudable observance of all the solemnities of eating, drinking, toasting, and haranguing. Mr. Tooke being here called upon by an elector, to explain himself distinctly on the article of parliamentary reform, and to tell the people by what means they were to regain their rights, and expel their profligate ministers, delivered himself in the following terms.

"Gentlemen-Nothing in the world ever gives me more pleasure than to be called upon as the gentleman has done. It is the manner in which gentlemen should call upon all those persons who are their representatives, or who offer to become their representatives, and scrutinize every sentiment they hold which relates to public liberty. I am called upon for two things-one, which I can answer -and one which I cannot. As far as relates to myself, I am able to do it, I am willing to it, and I am glad to do it; but when I am called upon to explain the sentiments of a gentleman who is absent, I must beg to be excused. I think the best, and hope the best, of Mr. Fox, although there are some things still left unexplained by him. However, the moment will certainly arrive, when the gentleman who spoke last, and myself, and all who think as we do, may compel him to explain himself upon this subject even if he were not inclined to do so.

"The gentleman has supposed, that if I were in parliament, I too should be in a minority. I believe not; for both the majority and minority would perhaps be unanimous to hang me. For the means which the people ought to pursue to obtain a reform in parliament, I say, they ought to pursue any effectual means that shall be in their power. Individuals cannot do much but in my opinion, individuals ought to pursue their rights, even though they should produce the most sanguinary measures from the minister against them: they ought never to desist; for though the minister may slaughter them, the liberty of the people will arise out of their blood!"

From these scenes, the patriot and philosopher retired to the shades of Wimbledon, where, according to the return made by him to the commissioners of the income tax, his regular income must have been small indeed. His biographer thus introduces and relates the circumstance.

"Mr. Tooke's disposition to baffle and perplex those whom he deemed the instruments of tyranny and oppression, has been conspicuous on many occasions: among instances of this kind, the two following letters are said to have passed between him and the commissioners of the income tax, in the spring of 1799.

TO JOHN HORNE TOOKE, ESQ.

"Office of the commissioners for carrying into execution the act for taxing income.

"Wandsworth, May 3, 1799.

❝ SIR, "The commissioners having under their consideration your declaration of income, dated the 26th of February last, have directed me to acquaint you, that they have reason to apprehend your income exceeds sixty pounds a-year. They, therefore, desire that you will re-consider the said declaration, and favour me with your answer on or before Wednesday, the 8th inst.

66 SIR,

"I am, Sir, your obedient servant,

66 W. B. LUTTLY, clerk.”

"TO MR. W. B. LUTTLY.

"I have much more reason than the commissioners can have to be dissatisfied with the smallness of my income. I have never yet in my life disavowed, or had occasion to reconsider any declaration, which I have signed with my name. But the act of parliament has removed all the decencies which used to prevail between gentlemen, and has given the commissioners (shrouded under the signature of their clerk) a right by law to tell me, that they have reason to believe that I am a liar. They have also a right to demand from me upon oath, the particular circumstances of my private situation. In obedience to the law, I am ready to attend them upon this de

grading occasion, so novel to Englishmen, and to give them every explanation and satisfaction which they may be pleased to require. "I am, Sir, your humble servant,

"J. HORNE TOOKE."

One is a little surprised, putting all these things together, to find Mr. Horne Tooke in 1801, a member of the legislature, as the representative of Old Sarum. We have but an obscure recollection of the demeanour of Mr. Tooke as a legislator. His biographer says of him, that those who had formed their opinions of him as a violent partizan, had mistaken his character: that " he spoke in favour of an enquiry into the Ferrol expedition, with equal temper and ability," that on the Poor Relief Bill, " he declared himself an enemy to every departure from established and approved principles," and he gives as a specimen of his parliamentary talents, his speech in a committee on the high price of provisions. We cannot refrain from extracting this precious morceau, that our readers may form from it some estimate of Mr. Tooke's wisdom and eloquence in council, and how probable it was, that had he remained longer in parliament, the public would have been enriched from the fund of his political philosophy.

"Sir, it is idle now to think of keeping down the price of provisions: you cannot keep it down, and your awkward attempts will only make it rise the faster. Look back to the earliest times, and you see it constantly rising, and this cause continues to operate with increased force. It is in vain then to struggle with inevitable necessity. You will only heap abuse upon abuse. Remove the national debt, repeal the taxes, and then you may hope to see things at a moderate price; but while you daily add to the amount of these, to entertain such a hope is madness. By this absurd and ineffectual attempt, the public distresses are rendered far more severe. The true friends to their country will allow things to rise in their natural course. By thus doing nothing they will do every thing. They will avoid a thousand errors; they will save millions of lives.

"Sir, in my humble opinion, however paradoxical it may appear, you ought to try to raise the price of every thing. This doctrine may seem extraordinary, but it may be right for all that; and I shall at all times be ready to defend it. Notwithstanding all that has been said, I am a great enemy to innovation. I hate innovation in all things, in church, in state, and in agriculture. My vital christianity teaches me to love every thing that is established. Do I examine the attachment I ought to have to any system or practice, I do not examine its intrinsic merits, but I say to myself—Is it established? Though a much better may be pointed out to me, still I think it ought to be adhered to, and that no rash experiment should be hazarded. These are my opinions-these have ever been

my opinions. I have long been in public life; I have spoken a good deal, and written still more. But let any one examine my speeches and publications with the greatest minuteness, and I defy him to shew that I ever expressed a sentiment contrary to what I now utter. Those principles, Sir, compel me to disapprove of this measure; I cannot consent to see the system of agriculture changed; I cannot consent to see a man obliged to pay a premium against himself. It makes little difference whether the people pay more for the potatoes, or pay an additional tax for a bounty to produce them. But it is idle thus to think of lowering the price. If you wish to promote the comfort of the poor, raise as speedily as possible the price of labour. It is far too low, and must soon rise in spite of you. Though not young, I am not very old, and within my recollection the price of labour has been trebled. Effects will still follow causes, and it must soon advance much farther. Why then struggle against a necessity which no human power can controul, and no human ingenuity elude? Where will the storm fall? I allow it must at last fall somewhere, and I say it must fall upon the public creditor. A man lends 1007. to government, and gets three per cent. for it. If the quartern-loaf is at sixpence, he gets one hundred and twenty loaves a-year, but now he gets only forty or fifty, and in a short time he may not get twenty. Thus, in the course of things, he may be altogether ruined. The poor will not ultimately suffer, for their wages will be increased in proportion. The landed interest will not suffer, for their rents will be increased in proportion. The revenue will not suffer, for in the same proportion the ability of the people to contribute will be increased. The mischief will only fall upon the holders of stock, and as they are not a very numerous set of men, it will not be difficult to relieve them. These steps seem to be taken to prevent the monied interest from being alarmed. They certainly would be less willing to advance their money, but it is unfair thus to try to deceive them."

Whatever were Mr. Tooke's qualifications for the task of leislation, the clergy incapacitation act prevented them from being displayed after the end of the session of the parliament into which he had been elected. With what dignity or usefulness that gentleman filled up the remaining years of his life, we shall not presume to enquire. According to the sage historian of his life, whose book has been the apology for this article, his house continued to be the school in which some of the disciples of reform were instructed in political wisdom. His hospitality towards the latter end of his life, his biographer believes, was confined to the dinners which he gave on Sundays to his political friends, and among these to the unfortunate Mr. Paul. For some time before his death, which happened on the 19th March 1812, Mr. Tooke had been in a declining state, and must consequently have had the prospect of the final change fully before his eyes, in