Images de page
PDF
ePub

Hence, by the Convention of London, signed July 15, 1840, Russia, Austria, Prussia, and Britain formed the Quadruple Alliance, whose objects were, first, to restrict Mehemet Ali's power and jurisdiction to Egypt;1 secondly, to establish a joint guarantee of the integrity of the Turkish Empire. The Quadruple Alliance was effective. Mehemet was reduced, and the new Sultan, Abdul-Medjid, established upon his throne. France was bitterly aggrieved by this new Treaty of Chaumont', which had thus culminated for her in a 'diplomatic Waterloo'; and at one moment a European war seemed imminent. But the danger passed; Thiers resigned; and the more cautious Guizot took his place."

6

XIII. THE ALLIANCE AGAINST RUSSIA, 1854

Anglo-Russian co-operation in the suppression of Mehemet Ali greatly improved the relations between the two countries whose friendship had been strained as a result of the Treaty of Unkiar-Skelessi. The improvement, however, did not continue for long. Russia resented the attitude of Palmerston towards the Poles, and his bullying of Greece in the famous Don Pacifico case. Palmerston, for his part, did not conceal his suspicion of Russian designs in the Near East, or his general unfriendliness towards the despotic Tsar Nicholas I. Meantime France discovered causes of her own for a quarrel with Russia. In 1848 the monarchy of LouisPhilippe fell; and the Second Republic was founded under the presidency of Louis Napoleon. In 1852 he

1 If he were to make submission to the Allies within ten days he should be allowed to retain Syria for life. He did not submit, and therefore was expelled.

2 See Camb. Mod. Hist., vol. x, pp. 545 sqq.; E. de Cadalvène and E. Barrault, Deux Années de l'Histoire d'Orient, Paris, 1840.

converted the Republic into an Empire, and took the title 'Napoleon III'. The Tsar of Russia refused to recognize the upstart as a brother', and declined to admit the dynastic claims implicit in the number 'III'. Napoleon did not hide his chagrin. Soon a more serious source of friction developed on the question of the guardianship and control of the Holy Places in Jerusalem. The French, as representatives of the Catholic Church, claimed possession under the terms of capitulations signed in 1740; Russia, as representative of the Orthodox Church, based a counter-claim on the more recent Treaty of Kuchuk Kainarji (1774). Britain and particularly Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, her ambassador in Constantinoplelent support to France, and encouraged the Sultan to resist the Russian demands, because of a firm conviction that the Russian claims to the Holy Places really veiled large designs for the establishment of Russian dominance over the Turkish Empire. Hence, after a long diplomatic duel with Lord Stratford, the Russian envoy (Prince Menschikoff) broke off negotiations and a RussoTurkish war began (May 1853). In June the Russians invaded the Danubian Principalities, an act which evoked emphatic protests not only from France and Britain but also from Austria and Prussia. Russia, alarmed at this chorus of condemnation, agreed to discuss the situation at a Conference in Vienna (August 1853), and on this occasion showed herself much more moderate and reasonable than she had done in her direct dealings with the Porte. It was the Turk who now was obstinate and intractable. In spite of the efforts of his friends, he formally declared war on Russia (October 4, 1853), and this provoked the Tsar into that crossing of the Danube which he had been told would be the signal for a general European struggle (January 1854). Even more alarming to Britain and France were the naval operations of the Russians in the Black Sea. These two Powers accordingly broke off

relations with Russia in February, entered into an alliance with Turkey on March 12, and formally declared war on March 27, 1854.1 Prussia, whose policy at the time was directed by the singularly feeble and irresolute Frederick William IV, held aloof. Austria demanded from Russia the evacuation of the Principalities, and, if the Russians had continued to hold them, would probably have joined the offensive alliance against her. The Turks, however, showing unexpected vigour, cleared them with some assistance from French and English forces, and Austria contented herself with the conclusion of a merely defensive alliance (December 2, 1854).2 The surprising and unanticipated entry of Sardinia on January 26, 1855, completed the anti-Russian coalition. Sardinia had no cause of quarrel with Russia, and no special affection for Turkey. Her entry was due to the fact that her great statesman Cavour wished to give Sardinia a place in the Concert of Europe, to enable her to make her voice heard at the Peace Congress, and to establish on her behalf a claim to the gratitude and sympathy of France and Britain, which might be of use in her approaching conflict with Austria.

The course and the conclusion of the Crimean War are well known. The struggle was terminated by the Peace of Paris signed on March 30, 1856; and therewith the coalition came to an end.

pp.

4

1 Martens, Nouveau Recueil, Continuation (1843-75), vol. xv, p. 565. 2 Martens, Nouveau Recueil, Continuation (1843-75), vol. xv, p. 600. Bolton King, History of Italian Unity, London, 1899, vol. ii, 5 sqq.

Hertslet, Map of Europe by Treaty, vol. ii, p. 1250, and Martens, Nouveau Recueil, Continuation (1843-75), vol. xv, p. 770.

XIV. THE DREIKAISERBUENDNISS, 1872

The fifteen years which followed the conclusion of the Crimean War were marked by changes of the most profound and revolutionary character in western and central Europe. The empire of Napoleon III, which even in 1856 seemed to have attained a position somewhat resembling that of Napoleon I, reached the height of its splendour and power in 1860. From that date it declined; for in dealing with the problems of Poland (1863), Mexico (1864), Italy and Germany (1866), Napoleon III manifested that 'great but concealed incompetence' which Bismarck had detected in him from the first. While France drifted towards the débâcle of 1870, Prussia rapidly increased in might and influence. In 1858 the feeble intellect of Frederick William IV gave way, and his vigorous soldier-brother, William, became regent on his behalf; in 1861 William succeeded as king. Under the guidance and inspiration of Bismarck, Moltke, and Roon, in spite of strenuous opposition from the Prussian Parliament, the Prussian army was reorganized, and preparations were made to effect by force the unification of Germany under Prussian headship. This object was attained in the three wars against Denmark, Austria, and France. The proclamation of the German Empire at Versailles in 1871 signalized not only the unification, but also the Prussification, of Germany.

The new Empire, by reason of its strength, at once took a front place among European Powers, for it was evident that nothing except an extensive coalition could overthrow it. Bismarck's main preoccupation after 1871 was to prevent the formation of such a hostile coalition. He realized that the reconstituted Germany needed rest and peace above all things, in order that she

might complete her internal cohesion, settle her relations with the Church, and deal effectively with the menace of Socialism. Bismarck, of course, perceived clearly that no reconciliation with France was possible; the humiliations and spoliations of 1870-1 had imposed an insuperable and apparently everlasting barrier in the way of any Franco-German rapprochement. No impassable obstacle, however, divided Germany from any other Power; and Bismarck desired to establish good relations with all, so that France might be diplomatically isolated. With no countries was Bismarck more anxious to come to terms than with Austria and Russia. He dreaded lest the memory of the kindred defeats of 1866 and 1870 should draw Austria and France, the two victims of Prussian militarism, together. Still more did he fear a Franco-Russian alliance, which might crush Germany as in a vice. Hence, cleverly concealing divergences of interests, and displaying questions on which the views of the three Governments agreed, Bismarck arranged that the three Kaisers-William I of Germany, Alexander II of Russia, and Francis Joseph of Austria-Hungaryshould meet at Berlin and come to a mutual understanding. The meeting took place in September 1872, and resulted in what is called the Dreikaiserbündniss. Perhaps the term Dreikaiserverhältniss would have been more appropriate; for there appears to have been no formal contract, the settlement being merely a personal agreement among the three autocrats; thus it closely resembled the Holy Alliance of 1815. It was directed (1) to the suppression of the 'Revolution', which in 1872 meant antagonism to the spread of Socialism (2) to the prevention of boundary disputes between the three empires; and (3) to the joint consideration and determination of the vexed problems of the Near East. The conclusion of the Dreikaiserbündniss was a triumph for Bismarck. It left France in complete isolation, and

« PrécédentContinuer »