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CHRIST GIVEN FOR US!-THE LORD'S SUPPER.

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Reformer had emerged from the obscurity of the cloister of Erfurth, began to evince some coldness toward him. Luther rose to an elevation of views, whither Staupitz was not able to follow him. "You abandon me, ," wrote Luther to him; "I have been all this day grieving like a weaned child. I dreamed of you last night,' continues the Reformer. "I thought you were taking leave of me, and I was weeping and sobbing bitterly; but I thought you put out your hand to me, and bade me be tranquil, for you would return to me again."

His adversaries did but hasten his progress. Without them it would have been more gradual. Eck provoked against him at this period a new attack on the part of the Franciscans of Juterbok. Luther, in his answer, not satisfied with repeating what he had already taught, attacked some errors which he had recently discovered: "I should be glad to be informed," said he, "where, in the Scriptures, the power of canonizing saints has been given to the Popes; and also what necessity, what use there can be, in canonizing them?""For aught it matters," he added, ironically, let them go on canonizing to their heart's content."+ These new attacks of Luther remained unanswered. The infatuation of his enemies favoured him as much as his own courage. They contended, with much warmth and passion, for things that were at most but secondary and subordinate opinions; and when Luther assailed the very foundations of the Romish doctrine, they saw them struck without uttering a word. They exerted themselves to defend some advanced outworks at the very time that their intrepid adversary was

The peace-maker, Miltitz, resolved to make another" effort to calm the minds of the disputants. But what influence could be had over men still agitated by the feeling of conflict. His endeavours were unavailing. He presented the famous Golden Rose to the Elector, and the prince did not give himself the trouble even to receive it in person. † Frederic well knew the artifices of Rome; it was useless, therefore, to think any longer of deceiving him.‡

standard of the truth. Hence they were afterward much astonished to see the fortress, of which they had constituted themselves the defenders, undermined, on fire, and sinking in the midst of the flames, while they thought it impregnable, and were braving the besiegers. It is the ordinary course in such catastrophes.

Far from giving ground, Luther continued to advance. It was at this time that he struck one of his hea-penetrating into the citadel, and planting there the viest blows against prevailing error, by publishing his first Commentary on the Epistle to the Galatians The second commentary undoubtedly surpassed the first; but even in this he set forth with great power the doctrine of justification by faith. Every word of the new apostle was full of life, and God made use of him as an instrument to introduce the knowledge of himself into the hearts of the people. "Christ has given Himself for our sins," said Luther to his contemporaries: "It is not silver or gold that he has given for us; it is not a man, it is not the host of angels; it is Himself, without whom nothing is great, that he has given. And this incomparable treasure he has given for our sins! Where now are those who proudly boast the power of our will?-where are the precepts of moral philosophy? where the power and the obligation of the law? Since our sins are so great that nothing less than a ransom so stupendous could remove them, shall we still seek to attain unto righteousness by the strength of our will, by the force of law, by the doctrines of men? What use can we have of all these subtleties and delusions? Alas! they could but cover our iniquities with a cloak of lies, and make us hypocrites beyond the reach of salvation."

But while Luther proved that there is no salvation for man but in Christ; he showed, also, that this salvation changes the heart of man, and makes him abound in good works. "He who has truly heard the word of Christ, and keeps it, is thenceforward clothed with the spirit of charity. If thou lovest him who hath made thee a present of twenty florins, or rendered thee any service, or testified in any other way his affection toward you, how much more shouldest thou love Him, who hath given for thee, not gold or silver, but himself; who hath received for thee so many wounds; who hath undergone for thy sake an agony and sweat of blood; who, in thy stead, hath suffered death; in a word, who, in discharge of thy sins, hath swallowed up death, and acquired for thee a Father in heaven full of love! If thou dost not love him, thy heart hath not entered into or understood the things which he hath done; thou hast not believed them; for faith worketh by love."-"This epistle is my epistle," said Luther, speaking of the Epistle to the Galatians; "I have espoused it."

* Ego super te, sicut abalactatus super matre sua, tristissimus hac die fui. (L. Epp. i. 342.)

+ Rosam quam vocant auream nullo honore dignatus est; imo pro ridiculo habuit. (L Opp. lat. in præf.)

+ Intellexit princeps artes Romanæ curiæ et eos [legatos] digne tractare novit. (Ibid.)

September, 1519.

L. Opp. (L) x. 461.

The Sacrament of the Lord's Supper began now to occupy the thoughts of Luther. He sought in vain to find this holy Supper in the Mass. One day (it was a short time after his return from Leipsic,) he ascended the pulpit. Let us pay attention to his words, for they are the first he uttered on a subject which has since divided the Reformed Church into two parties: "There are three things," said he, "necessary to be understood in the holy sacrament of the altar: the sign, which must be external, visible, and under a corporeal form; the thing signified, which is internal, spiritual, and within the soul of man; and Faith, which uses both." If definitions had been carried no further, the unity of the Church would not have been destroyed. Luther continued:

"It would be well if the Church, in a general council, would order the sacrament to be administered in both kinds' to all believers; not however that one kind would not be sufficient, for Faith of itself would suffice."

These bold words pleased his hearers. Some, however, were surprised, and angry. "It is false," said they; "it is a scandal." The preacher continued :

"There is no union more intimate, more deep, more indivisible, than that which takes place between the food and the body which the food nourishes. Christ unites himself to us in the sacrament in such a manner, that he acts as if he were identical with us. sins assail him: his righteousness defends us.”

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But Luther was not satisfied with declaring the truth: he attacked one of the fundamental errors of Rome. The Romish Church pretends that the sacrament operates by itself, independently of the person who receives it. Nothing can be more convenient than such an opinion. Hence the ardour with which the sacrament is sought for, and hence come the profits of the Romish clergy. Luther attacked this doctrine,¶ * Defensio contra malignum Eccii judicium. (I. lat. 356.) + Canonizet quisque quantum volet. (Ibid. 367) L. Opp, (L.) xvii. 272. L. Opp. (L.) Ibid. 291.

Si quis dixerit per ipsa novæ legis sacramenta er opsre operato non conferri gratiam, sed solam fidem divinæ promis sionis, ad gratiam consequendom sufficere, anathema sit. (Concil. Trident. Sess. 7. can. 8.)

Kown by the name of opus operatum.

IS FAITH NECESSARY?-GOD'S WORD A SWORD-LUTHER'S CALMNESS 133

and met it with its opposite,* which requires faith and consent of heart in him who receives it.

This energetic protest was calculated to overthrow the long established superstitions. But, strange to say, no attention was paid to it. Rome passed unnoticed, what one would have thought would have called forth a shriek, while she bore down haughtily on a remark Luther had let fall at the commencement of his discourse, on communion in both kinds."

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This discourse having been published in the month of December, a cry of heresy arose on all sides. It is the doctrine of Prague, to all intents and purposes!" was the exclamation at the court of Dresden, where the sermon arrived during the festival of Christmas "besides, the work is written in German, in order that the common people may understand it." The devotion of the prince was disturbed, and, on the third day of the festival, he wrote to his cousin Frederic: "Since the publication of this discourse, the number of the Bohemians who received the Lord's Supper, in both kinds, has increased six thousand. Your Luther, instead of a simple Wittemberg professor, will ere long be Bishop of Prague, and an arch-heretic." "He is a Bohemian by birth," said some, and of Bohemian parents! He was brought up at Prague, and instructed from the writings of Wickliff!"

Luther thought fit to contradict these reports in a tract, wherein he formally gave an account of his origin. "I was born at Eisleben," he said, "and was baptized in the Church of St. Peter. I never in my life was nearer to Bohemia than Dresden."+

The letter of Duke George did not estrange the Elector from Luther. A few days afterward, this prince invited the doctor to a splendid banquet, which he gave to the Spanish Ambassador, and Luther on this occasion boldly disputed with the minister of Charles. The Elector, through the medium of his chaplain, had begged him to defend his cause with moderation. "Too much imprudence displeases men," answered Luther to Spalatin, "but too much prudence is displeasing to God. It is impossible to make a stand for the Gospel without creating some disturbance and offence. The word of God is a sword, waging war, overthrowing and destroying; it is a casting down,ll a disturbance, and comes, as the prophet Amos says, as a bear in the way, and as a lion in the forest. I want nothing from them. I asked nothing. There is One above who seeks and requires. Whether his

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requirements be disregarded or obeyed, affects not me."¶

Everything announced that Luther would soon have more need than ever of faith and courage. Eck was forming plans of vengeance. Instead of gathering the laurels which he had reckoned upon, the gladiator of Leipsic had become the laughing-stock of all the men of sense of his country. Keen satires were published against him. One appeared as a "letter from some unlearned Canons." It was written by Ecolampadius, and stung Eck to the quick. Another was a complaint against Eck, probably written by the excellent Pirckheimer, of Nuremburg, abounding in a pungency, and at the same time a dignity of which nothing but the Provincial Letters of Pascal can convey any idea. Luther expressed his displeasure at some of these writings. "It is better," said he, "to attack openly, than to wound from behind a hedge."* How was the Chancellor of Ingolstadt deceived in his calculations! His countrymen abandoned him. He prepared to cross the Alps, to invoke foreign assistance. Wherever he went, he breathed threats against Luther, Melancthon, Carlstadt, and even the Elector himself. "Judging by the haughtiness of his words," says the Doctor of Wittemberg, "one would say that he imagines himself to be the Almighty." Inflamed with anger and the thirst of vengeance, Eck took his departure for Italy, there to receive the reward of his asserted triumphs, and to forge in the capitol at Rome mightier bolts than those weapons of scholastic controversy which had been broken in his hands.

Luther well knew the dangers which this journey of his antagonist was likely to draw down on him, but he did not quail. Spalatin, in alarm, urged him to make advances to an accommodation. "No," replied Luther, so long as he challenges, I dare not withdraw from the contest. I commit everything to God, and give up my bark to the winds and waves. The battle is the Lord's. Why will you fancy that it is by peace that Christ will advance his cause? Has he not himself-have not all the martyrs after him, poured forth their blood in the conflict?"

Such, at the commencement of the year 1520, was the position of the two combatants of Leipsic. The one engaged in rousing the power of the Papacy to crush his rival. The other awaiting the contest with all the calmness of one who seems to reckon upon peace. The year then opening was destined to witness the bursting of the storm.

Ego nihil quæro: est, qui quærat. Stet ergo, sive cadat⚫ ego nihil lucror, aut amitto. (Ibid. 418.)

Melior est aperta criminatio, quam iste sub sepe morsus, (L. Epp. i. 426.)

Deum crederes omnipotentem loqui. (Ib. 380.) Cogor rem Deo committere, data flatibus et fluctibus nave; Bellum Domini est. (Ibid. 425.)

BOOK VI.

THE ROMAN BULL, 1520.

A NEW actor was about to appear on the stage. It in the vigour of youth, to whom everything promised was the will of God that the monk of Wittemberg a reign of long duration, a prince whose sceptre bre should be brought face to face with the most powerful sway over a considerable part of the old, and also over monarch who had appeared in Christendom since the a new, world, so that, according to a celebrated saydays of Charlemagne. He made choice of a princeing, the sun never set upon his vast domains; and

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CANDIDATES FOR THE EMPIRE-CHARLES-FRANCIS I.

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with this prince he confronted the humble Reforma- | his council.* These various qualities were in some tion, that had had its beginning in the secret cell of a degree concealed and veiled by the reserve and taciconvent at Erfurth, in the anguish and groans of a poor turnity peculiar to the Spanish nation. There was monk. The history of this monarch, and of his reign, something melancholy in his long, thin visage. He was destined, apparently, to read an important lesson is pious and silent," said Luther; "I venture to say to the world. It was to show the nothingness of all that he does not speak so much in a year as I do in a "the strength of man," when it presumes to strive day." If the character of Charles had been developed against "the weakness of God." Had a prince, under the influence of liberal and christian principles, friendly to Luther, been called to the empire, the suc- he would perhaps have been one of the most admirable cess of the Reformation might have been attributed to princes recorded in history; but political considerahis protection. Had an emperor of feeble character tions absorbed his thoughts, and tarnished his better filled the throne-even though he should have been qualities. opposed to the new doctrine, the success that attended Not contented with the many sceptres gathered toit might have admitted of explanation by the weakness gether in his hand, the young Charles aspired to the of the reigning sovereign. But it was the haughty imperial dignity. "It is a sunbeam which sheds splenconqueror of Pavia whose pride was to be humbled dour on the house it lights upon," remarked some; before the power of the divine Word; and the whole" but when any one puts forth the hand to lay hold on world was called to witness, that he to whom power it, he grasps nothing." Charles, on the contrary, saw was given to lead Francis I. to the dungeons of Mad-in it the summit of all earthly greatness, and a means rid, was compelled to lay down the sword before the of obtaining a sort of magic influence over the minds son of a poor miner. of the people.

The Emperor Maximilian was no more. The elec- Francis I. of France, was the second of the competors were assembled at Frankfort to choose his succes-titors. The young paladins of the court of this king, sor. This was a decision of high importance to all incessantly urged on him, that he ought, like CharleEurope under present circumstances. All Christen-magne, to be Emperor of all the West; and following dom was occupied with the election. Maximilian had not been what is called a great prince; but his memory was dear to the people. They were fond of calling to mind his ready wit, and good nature. Luther often mentioned him in conversation with his friends, and one day related the following sally of the monarch:

A mendicant was following him closely, asking alms, and calling him brother; "for," said he, "we are both descended from the same father, Adam. I am poor," he continued, "but you are rich, and therefore ought to assist me." The emperor turned round at these words, and said: "Here, take this penny; go to your other brethren, and if every one of them gives you as much, you will soon be richer than I am."*

The crisis required, for the Imperial crown, a prince of more energy than the good-natured Maximilian. The times were about to change; ambitious potentates were to contest the throne of the Emperors of the West; a powerful hand must seize the reins of the Empire, and long and bloody wars must succeed to a profound peace.

the example of the knights of old, lead them against the Crescent, which menaced the empire, strike the power of the infidels to the dust, and recover the holy sepulchre. "It is necessary," said the ambassadors of Francis to the Electors, "to prove to the dukes of Austria, that the imperial crown is not hereditary. Germany has need, under existing circumstances, not of a young man of nineteen, but of a prince who unites, with experienced judgment, talents already acknowledged. Francis will combine the forces of France and Lombardy, with those of Germany, to make war upon the Musselmans. Besides this, as he is sovereign of the duchy of Milan, he is already a member of the Empire." The French ambassadors supported these arguments with 400,000 crowns, expended in purchasing suffrages, and with entertainments, at which the guests were to be gained over to their party.

Lastly, Henry VIII., king of England, jealous of the power which the choice of the Electors would give, either to Francis or to Charles, also entered the lists: but he soon left these two powerful rivals to dispute the crown between them.

Three kings contended at the diet of Frankfort for the crown of the Cæsars. A young prince, grandson of the late Emperor, born in the first year of the century, and consequently nineteen years of age, was the first who presented himself. He was named Charles, and was born at Ghent. His grandmother, on the father's side, Mary, daughter of Charles the Bold, had bequeathed to him Flanders, and the rich territories of Burgundy. His mother, Joanna, daughter of Ferdinand of Arragon, and Isabella of Castile, and wife of Philip, son of the Emperor Maximilian, had transmitted to him the united crowns of Spain, Naples, and Sicily to which Christopher Columbus had added a new World. The death of his grandfather placed him at this moment in possession of the hereditary domi nions of Austria. This young prince, endowed with much intelligence, and amiable when it pleased him to be so, combined with the taste for military exercises, in which the illustrious Dukes of Burgundy had so long Such a choice would have obtained the approbation distinguished themselves, the subtlety and penetration of all Germany. The prudence of Frederic, and his of the Italians, the reverence for existing institutions love for the people were well known. At the time of which still characterises the house of Austria, and the revolt of Erfurth, he had been urged to take that which promised a firm and zealous defender to the town by assault. He refused, that he might spare the Papacy, and a great knowledge of public affairs, ac-effusion of blood. And when it was urged that the quired under the tutorship of Chiévres. From the assault would not cost the lives of five men: his anage of fifteen he had attended at all the deliberations of

The Electors were disinclined to the cause of the latter candidates. The people of Germany, they thought, would see in the king of France a foreign master, and this master might very likely deprive themselves of that independence of which the nobility of his own dominions had lately seen themselves stripped. As for Charles, it was an established maxim with the Electors, not to choose a prince already playing an important part in the Empire. The Pope partook of their apprehensions from such a choice. He was for rejecting the king of Naples, his neighbour, and the king of France, whose enterprising spirit he dreaded. "Choose rather one from among yourselves," was the advice he caused to be conveyed to the Electors. The Elector of Treves proposed the nomination of Frederic of Saxony. The Imperial crown was laid at the feet of this friend of Luther.

*L. Opp. (W.) xxii. 1869.

* Memoires de Du Bellay, i. 45.

†L. Opp. (W.) xxii. 1874.

THE CROWN OFFERED TO FREDERICK-CHARLES ELECTED.

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swer had been, “A single life would be too much."* | but Luther, on learning their intention, wrote to Lange It seemned as if the election of the protector of the Re-in such strong terms, that the theologians of Erfurth formation was on the point of securing its triumph. were alarmed and kept silence. The condemnation, Ought not Frederic to have regarded the wish of the pronounced at Cologne and Louvain, was sufficient, Electors as a call from God himself? Who was bet- however, to produce great excitement. Add to this, ter able to preside over the destinies of the Empire, that the priests of Meissen, who had taken part with than so prudent a prince? Who more likely to with- Emser in his quarrel, openly declared (according to the stand the Turks than an Emperor abounding in faith? statement of Melancthon) that whosoever should kill It may be that the Elector of Saxony's refusal, so much Luther, would be without sin.* "The time is come," lauded by historians, was a fault on the part of this says Luther," in which men will think they do service prince. It may be that the struggles by which Germany to Jesus Christ in putting us to death." These murwas afterward torn, are to be partly attributed to this derous suggestions, as might have been expected, prorefusal. But it is hard to say, whether Frederic de- duced their natural results. serves censure for want of faith, or honour for his humility. He judged that the safety of the Empire re-astery of the Augustines, says one of his biographers, a quired that he should refuse the crown.t "There is need of an Emperor more powerful than myself to save Germany;" said this modest and disinterested prince "the Turk is at our gates. The king of Spain, whose hereditary possessions (in Austria) border on the menaced frontier, is its natural defender."

While Luther was walking one day before the mon

stranger, having a pistol concealed in his sleeve, approached, and said to him: " Why do you go thus alone?" "I am in the hands of God," answered Luther; "he my strength and shield. What can man do unto me?" Hereupon, adds the historian, the stranger turned pale, and fled, trembling. Serra Longa, the orator of the conference of Augsburg, wrote about the same time to the Elector : Let not Luther find an asylum in your Highness's territories; let him be everywhere driven and stoned in open day that will rejoice me more than if you were to give me 10, 000 crowns."

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The Legate of Rome, seeing that Charles was about to be chosen, declared that the Pope withdrew his objections; and, on the 28th of June, the grandson of Maximilian was elected. "God," said Frederic, at a subsequent period, "has given him to us in mercy and in displeasure." The Spanish envoys offered 30,000 gold florins to the Elector of Saxony, as a mark of It was, however, on the side of Rome that the storm their master's gratitude; but this prince refused the was chiefly gathering. A nobleman of Thuringia, Valgift, and prohibited his ministers from accepting any entin Teutleben, vicar of the Archbishop of Mentz, and present. At the same time, he contributed to the a zealous partisan of the Papacy, was the representative security of the liberties of Germany, by a treaty to of the Elector of Saxony at Rome. Teutleben, scanwhich the envoys of Charles swore in his name. The dalised at the protection which his master granted to circumstances under which the latter assumed the the heretical monk, saw with vexation and impatience Imperial crown, seemed to give a stronger pledge than his mission paralysed by this, as he thought, imprudent these oaths in favour of German liberty, and of the conduct. He imagined, that by alarming the Elector continued progress of the Reformation. The young he should induce him to abandon the rebellious theoprince felt himself cast into shade by the laurels which logian. "I can get no hearing," wrote he, "on achis rival, Francis I., had gathered at Marignan. Their count of the protection which you grant to Luther." rivalry was to be continued in Italy, and the time it But the Romanists were deceived, if they thought to would occupy would, doubtless, be sufficient to strength-intimidate the prudent Frederic. This prince knew en and confirm the Reformation. Charles quitted that the will of God and the voice of the people were Spain in May, 1520, and was crowned on the 22d of October, at Aix-la-Chapelle.

more irresistible than decrees of the papal court. He directed his ambassador to intimate to the Pope, that, Luther had foreseen that the cause of the Reformation far from defending Luther, he had always left him to would, ere long, have to be pleaded before the Emperor. defend himself; that he had already requested him to He wrote to Charles, while this prince was still at quit the university, and even Saxony; that the doctor Madrid. "If the cause which I defend," said he to had declared himself ready to obey, and would not have him," is worthy of appearing defore the throne of the been then in the electoral states, had not the Legate Majesty of heaven, it is surely not unworthy of engag-himself, Charles Miltitz, begged the prince to keep him ing the attention of a prince of this world. O Charles! thou prince among the kings of the earth! I throw myself as a suppliant at the feet of your Most Serene Majesty, and conjure you to deign to receive, under the shadow of your wings, not me, but the very cause of that eternal truth, for the defence of which God has intrusted you with the sword." The young king of Spain treated this strange letter from a German monk with neglect, and gave no answer.

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near his own person, lest, repairing to other countries, Luther should act with more liberty than in Saxony itself. Frederic did still more: he wished to open the eyes of Rome. Germany," continued he, in his letter, "possesses a great number of learned men, well acquainted with languages and sciences; the laity themselves are begining to be enlightened, and to be fond of the sacred writtings; and if the reasonable terms of Dr. Luther are refused, it is much to be feared that peace will never be re-established. The doctrine of Luther has taken deep root in many hearts. If, instead of refuting it by the testimony of the Bible, attempts are made to crush it by the thunders of the Church, great offence will be occasioned, and terrible and dangerous rebellions will be excited.||

While Luther was in vain turning his eyes towards Madrid, the storm seemed to increase around him. The flame of fanaticism was kindled in Germany. Hochstraten, never weary in attempts at persecution, had extracted certain theses from the writings of Luther. The universities of Cologne and of Louvain had, at his solicitation, condemned these works. That of Erfurth, still retaining an angry recollection of Luther's preference of Wittemberg, was about to follow their example; (L. Epp. 1. 383.)

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Ut sine peccato esse cum censebant qui me interfecerit.
Wass kann mir ein Mensch thun? (Keith, L Umstände,
89.)
Tenzel Hist. Ber. ii. 169.

Da er viel freyer und sicherer schreiben und handela möchte was er wollte. (L. Opp. (L.) i. 298.)

Schreckliche, grausame, schädliche und verderbliche Empörungen erregen. (Ibid.)

136 LUTHER'S FEELINGS-MELANCTHON'S ALARM-LUTHER'S CONFIDENCE.

when the people were in expectation, and the thunders were already rolling above the seven hills, God stirred up the German nobility to form a bulwark for his servant.

life is in danger," wrote Schaumburg. "If the assistance of the electors, of the princes, or of the magistrates should fail you, beware, I entreat you, of seeking refuge in Bohemia, where learned men have formerly had so much to endure; come rather to me. I shall soon, God willing, have collected above a hundred gentlemen, and with their help I shall be able to preserve you from all peril."*

The Elector placing confidence in Luther, caused the letter of Teutleben, as well as another which he had received from the Cardinal, St. George, to be communicated to him. The Reformer was much moved on reading them. He saw at once all the dangers that Sylvester of Schaumburg, one of the most powerful surrounded him, and his mind was for an instant over-knights of Franconia, at this juncture sent his son to whelmed, But it was at such moments that his faith Wittemberg, with a letter for the Reformer. "Your broke forth, and manifested itself in all its strength. Often weak and ready to fall into despondency, he was seen to rise and appear greater in the midst of the storm. He would gladly have been delivered from so many trials, but he knew well at what price peace was offered to him, and he indignantly rejected it. "Hold my peace!" said he; "I am willing to do so, if they will permit me, that is to say, if they will silence others. If any one envies me my appointments, let him take them; if any one desires the destruction of my writings, let him burn them. I am ready to keep silence, provided it be not required that evangelical truth should stand still. I ask for no cardinal's hat, nor gold, nor anything else that Rome values. I will make any sacrifices; so that the way of salvation is left open to Christians. All their threats do not terrify me, all their promises cannot seduce me."

Warmed by these feelings, Luther soon recovered his disposition for action, and chose the Christian's conflict rather than the calm of the recluse. One night sufficed to reproduce in his mind the desire to overthrow the power of Rome. "My resolution is taken," he wrote next morning: "I despise alike the rage and the favour of Rome. Away with reconciliation! I desire never more to have any communication with her. Let her condemn-let her burn my writings! In my turn, I will condemn and publicly burn the canon law, the nest of all heresies. My moderation hitherto has been useless; and I renonunce it !"

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Francis of Sickingen, that hero of his age, whose intrepid courage we have already seen,† loved the Reformer, both because he thought him worthy to be loved, and also because he was hated by the monks t 'My services, my possessions, and my person, in short every thing which I have," he wrote, "is at your disposal. You are resolved to stand up for the truth of the Gospel. I am ready to lend my aid in that work."◊ Harmuth of Cronberg held the same language. Lastly, Ulric of Hütten, the poet and valiant knight of the sixteenth century, took every oscasion to speak out in favour of Luther. But what a contrast between these two men! Hütten wrote to the Reformer: "We want swords, bows, javelins, and bombs, in order to repel the fury of the devil." Luther, on receiving these letters, exclaimed, “I will not resort to arms and bloodshed for the defence of the Gospel. It is by the preaching of the Word that the world has been conquered; by the Word the Church has been saved; by the Word, also, it will be restored." "I do not despise his offer," said he again, on receiving the letter His friends were very far from being so confident. of Schaumburg which we have mentioned, "but I will The consternation was great at Wittemberg. Our depend on none but Christ alone." Not thus had expectation is on the stretch," said Melancthon. "Ithe Roman Pontiffs spoken, when they waded in the would rather die than be separated from Luther. If blood of the Waldenses and Albigenses. Hütten was God does not send us help we perish." "Our Luther conscious of the difference between Luther's object is still alive," wrote he a month afterward in his anxi-and his own; and accordingly wrote thus nobly to him ety; "God grant that he may yet live long for the on the subject: "My thoughts are running on earthly Romish sycophants leave no stone unturned for his de-aims, while you, contemning such things, are devoted struction. Pray for the preservation of the intrepid to the things of God alone;" and forwith he set out vindicator of sacred learning."|| to endeavour, if possible, to gain over to the cause of truth Ferdinand and Charles V.**

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These prayers were heard. The warnings which the Elector had addressed to Rome through the medium Thus at one moment the enemies of Luther overof his representative were not without foundation. The whelm him, and at another his friends arise in his preaching of Luther had resounded far and wide; in defence. "My bark," says he, "is driven at the cottages, in convents, in the houses of the citizens, in mercy of the winds-fear and hope alternately prevail; the castles of the nobles, in the academies, and in the but what does it signify?" Nevertheless, the testipalaces of kings. "Let my life," he said to Duke monies of sympathy which he received were not withJohn, of Saxony, "be found to bear fruit only in the out their effect upon his mind. The Lord reigns," conversion of one man, and I shall willingly consent he said; "I see His hand palpably present."‡‡ Luther that all my books should perish." It was not a single felt that he no longer stood alone; his words had borne individual, it was a great multitude, that had discover- fruit-and this thought inspired him with fresh coued light in the writings of the humble doctor. Ac-rage. The fear of compromising the interest of the cordingly, everywhere, men were found ready to pro- Elector could no longer keep him in check, now that tect him. The sword, intended for his destruction, he felt that he had other defenders prepared to brave was being forged in the Vatican; but heroes were the anger of Rome. He became consequently more arising in Germany who would defend him at hazard free, and, if possible, more resolute. This is an imof their own lives. At the moment when the bishops were chafing with anger, when the princes kept silence,

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* Denn Ich, und hundert von Adel, die Ich (ob Gott will)
aufbringen will, euch redlich anhalten... (Ibid. 381.)
"Equitum Germaniæ rarum decus," says Melancthon on
the occasion. (Corp. Reform. i 201.)
& Ibid.

Et ob id iuvisus illis. (Ibid. 132)
Nolo nisi Christo protectare niti. (L. Epp. i. 148.) ̧
Mea humana sunt: tu perfectior, jam totus ex divinis
pendes. (L. Opp. lat. ii. 175.)

** Viam facturus libertati (cod. Bavar. veritati) per maximos principes. (Corp. Ref. i. 201.)

ft Ita fluctuat nnvis mea; nunc spes, nunc timor regnat. (L. Epp. i. 443.)

Dominus regnat, ut palpare possimu. (Ibid. 451.)

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