In his long after-career in Congress, Adams was independent of party ties, devoting his energies chiefly to matters of principle, in advocacy of which neither of the great parties then in existence was ready to follow him. The odium which some of his party changes brought upon him, like that incurred by his independent championship of the right of petition, has passed utterly away, and the calmer judgment of a later day recognizes and respects the sincerity with which he followed his convictions at cost of his reputation for consistency. If circumstances, at the time of his quitting the Federalists, gave to that act the appearance of self-seeking, the suspicion that it was such in fact no longer survives.

In the election of Jackson, Democracy in concrete form asserted itself. He was a representative of the common people, as the common people then were. All the Presidents who preceded him were men of education; with the single exception of Washington, all were college men. They were bred in refinement, and were what are called gentlemen. Jackson was born in poverty, grew up in the backwoods, had a meager education, and had lived in the midst of an uncultivated society. Even his military service had been performed on the frontiers, and had brought him into association chiefly with men unused to the refinements of life. His career had been romantic, indeed, in some of its features, but the romance was of the rude kind which appeals more strongly to the uncultivated than to the educated classes. His political preferment was largely due to the admiration felt for his military prowess; but there can be no doubt that his fitness to represent the common people, as one of themselves, contributed to the result. His election was, in part at least, an act of self-assertion on the part of the undistinguished democratic masses. He had the virtues which were held in highest repute among the common people. He shared many of their prejudices, and fulfilled in every way their ideal of manhood. They gloried in him as an example of their virtues, and the representative of their class in its best development.

His irruption, if we may so call it, into the society and official life of the capital, gave a shock to the still stately proprieties. His elevation to the chief magistracy was a source of alarm to many. That his administration should be turbulent was a necessary result of his imperious temper, his arrogant disposition, and his want of respect for traditions and conventionalities; and it was turbulent from first to last, politically and socially. But it was marked by sturdy vigor and a robust patriotism which may well be put into the balance against its errors. These qualities were recognized by the country in the election of 1832, when Jackson was chosen for a second term, receiving the electoral votes of 16 of the 23 states.

VOL. XI.-No. 2.-8

With Jackson, as has been said already, the two-term tradition came to an end. Van Buren, who came into office in 1837, was doomed to encounter trouble throughout his administration. The financial panic of 1837,

resulting in the utter prostration of business, was resented by the people as the direct consequence of Jackson's policy, and Mr. Van Buren, as his successor and political heir, was held vicariously responsible. His administration was beset with difficulties such as no former President had encountered; and, able as he was, he could not save his party or secure a

reëlection. He had become President, because the Democratic policy was in favor with the country; but his term had scarcely begun before the party lost the popular favor, not through any act of his own-for he had as yet had no time to do anything-and he was never able to recover the position.

The campaign of 1840 was an affair of political songs and catch-words.

[From an Engraving by H. Wright Smith of the painting by Healy.]
1841-1845.

There was little serious discussion in it, little of intrigue and adroit combination-agencies which were active in most of the earlier contests. The really potent forces in the election of Harrison were the same as those

which secured the presidency for Jackson. Harrison, like Jackson, had an attractive reputation for military achievements, and, like Jackson, he was a man of the people. The Democratic impulse was not confined to the Democratic party. It was equally strong among the Whigs, now that the policy of the Democrats was under censure. It seized upon the homeliness of Harrison's life, the humbleness of his surroundings, and the plainness of his manners, and gloried in them. Demos found in the Whig candidate another representative of itself, whose achievements were honorable to the people, and it made him President, as it had made Jackson President before.

Harrison had no administration. The office-holders worried him to death in a month, and the Vice-president, Tyler, succeeded him.

It is curiously illustrative of what has been said about the absence of thought from the campaign of 1840, that in choosing their Vice-president, whose election to that office made him President, the Whigs selected a man who was not an adherent of their party at all. He had favored certain measures advocated by them, and it seems to have been taken for granted, without much inquiry, that John Tyler was a Whig. As a matter of fact, he appears to have belonged to neither party, though he earnestly desired Clay's election to the Presidency, and is said to have wept when the Whigs passed their great leader by to nominate Harrison.

His administration was one long quarrel, into which it is not our province or purpose to enter. He deprived the Whigs of the fruits of their victory, by vetoing their favorite measures, but did not succeed in winning sufficient favor among the Democrats to secure their support for reëlection.

Of the first ten Presidents, Tyler was the youngest at the time of taking office, his age being 51; Harrison was the oldest, being 68. John Adams lived to the greatest age, dying at 91. Washington's life was shortest, covering only 67 years. Five of the ten-viz., the elder and younger Adams, Jefferson, Madison and Van Buren-lived to be 80 years of age or more, and all but Washington and Harrison passed their seventieth years. Adams and Jefferson died on the same day. Van Buren and Tyler died in the same year.

George Cary Eggleston