ble prospect of continually increasing taxes to pay the interest of these loans A correspondence between Mr. Foster, the English minister, and Mr. Monroe, the American secretary of state, was soon after communicated to Congress, with the President's remark upon it, which was in these words: "The continued evidence afforded in this correspondence of the hostile policy of the British government against our national rights, strengthens the considerations recommending and urging the preparation of adequate means for maintaining them." It would be superfluous to give a sketch of the arguments used on each side in this discussion-arguments referring to the beaten topic of the French decrees and English orders of council, and which have proved totally inefficacious to produce conviction on the different parties. In reality, the law of nations, though perpetually referred to, is so vague in its principles, and so varying in its application, that it can never be relied on actually to decide points on which the inte rests of contending states strongly draw in opposite directions, and no umpire exists to whom appeal can be made. In the present unhappy quarrel, both parties boasted of their moderation and forbearance: both alleged the reason and justice of their cause; yet both were in fact determined by motives of state-policy operating exclusively upon themselves.

the

When the particulars of raising necessary supplies for the war, and equipping an adequate military force, came to be discussed in Congress, the great majorities in favour of the measures proposed

by government no longer appeared, and several questions were barely carried. It might now have been hoped that the near prospect of the inevitable burdens consequent upon open hostilities, would have occasioned a pause, during which the friends of peace on both sides might possibly discover some expedient to bring matters to an agreement; but just at this juncture an incident occurred which added new exasperation to the existing ill will. The President, on March 9th, sent a message to both houses, laying before them copies of documents to prove, that at a recent period, the British government had sent a secret agent into the United States, for the purpose of fomenting disaffection against the constituted authorities, and eventually of effecting a separation in the union. The circumstance to which this complaint referred, was the mission of a Captain Henry into Massachuset's, by Sir James Craig, governor of Canada, respecting which, an inquiry in the English parliament has already been reported. It there appeared that some improper steps had in fact been taken by Sir J. Craig, but without the knowledge of the government at home. The members of parliament, however, who most condemned this conduct, agreed that the President would have acted more correctly in making a remonstrance to the British administration, and receiving its explanations, before he brought the charge into Congress; but he probably could not resist the temptation of making use of such an opportunity to rekindle the animosity of his fellow-citizens against this country, which was perhaps beginning

beginning to subside. It was, in deed, too efficacious for this purpose; for it is said, that when the documents were read, a burst of indignation proceeded from all parts of the house. A thousand copies were ordered to be printed for dispersion throughout the Union.

In the beginning of April, at a secret sitting of Congress, an act was passed for laying an embargo on all the ships and vessels of the United States, for the term of 90 days from the date thereof; the purpose of which was doubtless to expedite the manning of the American ships of war, and to prevent any more pledges from remaining in the power of an enemy on the commencement of hostilities. This act was followed by another, prohibiting the exportation of specie, and of any goods or merchandize, foreign or domestic, either by land or water, during the continuance of the embargo. As a further progress towards hostilities, a bill was introduced into the House of Representatives about the end of April, "for the protection, recovery, and indemnification of American seamen," the first clause of which declares that every person who, under pretence of a commission from a foreign power, shall impress upon the high seas a na tive seaman of the United States, shall be adjudged a pirate and a felon, and upon conviction, shall suffer death. Another article gives to every such seaman impressed under the British flag, the right of attaching in the hands of any British subject, or in the hands of any debtor of any British subject, a sum equal to 30 dollars per month for the whole time of his detention.

This violent bill passed to a third reading in the House of Representatives, such were the feelings which at that time governed the American republic! An attempt was made by the moderate party to adjourn the two houses, in order to give time for a cooler discussion of these topics, but it failed of effect. The mercantile interest in the eastern states also petitioned for some relaxation of the embargo; and a motion was made for the repeal of the non-importation act, upon the ground of the necessity of bringing home property belonging to the citizens of the United States, previously to engaging in a war, but the government would not yield in either of these points. At the same time, while hostilities were impending with one of the belligerent powers, the relations with the other were by no means satisfactory; and on May 26th, a correspondence was laid before Congress by the President, between Mr. Barlow, the American minister at Paris, and the secretary of state, in which the former states the inattention of the French government to his com plaints and claims for redress, and announces that he is obliged, after long waiting, to send away his dis patches without the treaty which he expected to have concluded.

The temper of the House of Representatives with respect to a war with England, was rendered manifest by the result of a motion by Mr. Randolph, on May 29th. That gentleman, after a long speech concerning the present relations of the United States with Great Britain and France, submitted to the house the following re[02]

solution;

solution: "That under the present circumstances it is inexpedient to resort to a war with Great Britain." The question being then put, that the house do proceed to the consideration of the said resolution, it was negatived by 62 votes against 37. All hopes of pacific measures now therefore rested upon the determination of the senate. On June 4th, the President laid before Congress copies of a correspondence which had lately taken place between Mr. Foster and Mr. Monroe. It chiefly consisted of a long argumentative letter from the former relative to the old subject of the orders in council, and the French decrees, of which it is sufficient to remark, that not the least expectation is held forth of any further relaxation on the part of Great Britain. On the contrary, Mr. F. says expressly, "America, as the case now stands, has not a pretence for claiming from Great Britain a repeal of her orders in council." Previously, however, to this communication, the President had sent a long message to both houses, dated June 1st, in which he set forth all the injuries, and hostile measures (as he considered them) practised by the government of Great Britain, and still persisted in, towards the United States, and recommended the subject to their early deliberations. (See State Papers.) In consequence, discussions, with closed doors, took place in the two houses, the final result of which was an act passed on June 18th, declaring the actual existence of war between the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the United States of America.

A list has been published of the votes in the House of Representatives on this momentous occasion, by which it appears that the majority for declaring war was 79 against 49. The supporters of war were chiefly the southern and western states, to Pennsylvania inclusive: the votes for peace were chiefly in the eastern and northern states, New York taking the lead. As commercial grievances constituted a great part of the complaints against Great Britain, adduced to justify the resort to arms, it is highly probable, that if the orders in council had been repealed early enough for intelligence of the event to have reached America before the final decision, the ad. vocates for peace would have acquired so much additional strength as, at least, to have deferred the declaration of hostilities till time had been given for negociating on the other points in dispute. Indeed, little doubt seemed to be entertained on this side the Atlantic, that the news of the repeal, protracted as it was, would arrive time enough to prevent actual war. But the first recoil from a resolution full of hazard and mischief having passed, men were brought to regard it as a thing decided, and to consider what public or private advantage could be made of the new state of affairs. Subsequent events, too, render it highly probable that the American government had anticipated credit from the commencement of the war, especially from the conquest of Canada, which seems to have been regarded as an easy task.

The first act of hostility be

tween

tween the two powers occurred almost immediately after the declaration of war. Commodore Rodgers, of the President frigate, leaving New York with a squadron of ships of war, having received intelligence that a British convoy had sailed about a month before from Jamaica, made course to the southward; and on June 23rd fell in with the Belvidere English frigate, Capt. Byron, to which he gave chace. The President alone got near enough for action, and a running fight ensued for three hours, after which the Belvidere kept on her way for Halifax unmolested, having undergone some damage, and had some men killed and wounded. The President also incurred some loss of men, chiefly from the bursting of one of her own guns. Capt. Byron, concluding from this attack that war was declared, captured three American merchant vessels before he arrived in port, which were released by Admiral Sawyer, commander on the Halifax station.

An occurrence near Montreal, about this time, doubtless animated the hopes of the Americans with respect to the meditated expedition against Canada. By a late militia law, a draft of 2,000 men was to be made from the militia of the province, for three months, in order to be trained and disciplined. Some of those who were to be drafted from the parish of St. Claire, having refused to march to La Prairie to join the division stationed there, an officer was sent to apprehend the refractory persons as deserters. Four of these were taken and carried off, but were followed by a mob who res

cued one, and threatened to come the next day to La Prairie, and liberate all the young men of their parish who were kept there. Accordingly, a large body assembled at La Chine to execute this purpose, when they were met by a police magistrate, with a detachment of regular troops. A parley ensued, in which the insurgents pleaded that they did not consider the militia act as fully passed, and that it had not been properly promulgated among them. They declared their readiness to concur in the defence of their country, but persisted in their determination relative to the object they had in view. The riot act was then read, and on their refusal to disperse, shots were fired by the troops, which were returned by the insurgents; the latter were however soon dispersed with a trifling loss. On the next day a larger force was marched to the spot, who made a considerable number of prisoners, and brought them to Montreal. The governor acted with prudent lenity on the occasion, and discharged them upon a promise to deliver up the instigators of the insurrection, and the deserters. It is said that two attorneys, members of the house of assembly, were the chief promoters of this act of resistance, which at such a crisis was certainly of dangerous import.

On July 6th, an act passed the Congress to prohibit American vessels from proceeding to, or trading with, the enemies of the United States, and also to forbid the transport of articles of munition of war, or provision, to the British settlements in North

America,