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Treaty of Alliance of the 14th of March, between their Majesties the Emperor and King, and the Emperor of Austria.

His Majesty the Emperor of the French, King of Italy, &c. &c. and his Majesty the Emperor of Austria, &c. having at heart the perpetuating the amity and good intelligence which exist between them, and to concur by the friendship and force of their union in maintaining the peace of the Continent, and the re-establishment of internal peace:

Considering that nothing would be more calculated to produce those happy results than the conclusion of a treaty of alliance, which should have for its object the security of their estates and possessions, and the guarantee of the principal interests of their respective policies, have named for their Plenipotentiaries,

His Majesty the Emperor of the French, &c. M. Hugues Bernard, Count Maret, Duke de Bassano, &c.

And his Majesty the Emperor of Austria, &c. the Prince Charles of Schwartzenberg, Duke de Kruseman, &c. who, after having exchanged their respective full powers, have agreed upon the following articles:

Art. 1. There shall be perpetual amity, and sincere Union and Alliance, between his Majesty the Emperor of the French, &c. and his Majesty the Emperor of Austria, &c. In consequence the high contracting parties will take the greatest care to maintain the good intelligence so happily established between them, their respective

states and subjects, to avoid all that could injure it, and to further on every occasion their mutual utility, honour and advantage.

Art. 2. The two high contracting parties reciprocally guarantee the integrity of their present territories.

Art. 3. As the result of this reciprocal guarantee, the two high contracting parties will always labour to concert upon the measures that shall appear the most proper for the maintenance of peace; and in case the states of one or other shall be threatened with invasion, they will employ their most efficacious offices to prevent it.

But as these good offices may not have the desired effect, they oblige themselves to mutual assistance in case of one or other shall be attacked or menaced.

Art. 4. The succour stipulated by the preceding article shall be composed of 30,000 men (24,000 infantry, and 6,000 cavalry), constantly kept up to the war establishment, and of a park of 60 pieces of cannon.

Art. 5. This succour shall be furnished at the first requisition of the party attacked or menaced. It shall march in the shortest delay, and at the latest before the end of two months after the demand shall have been made.

Art. 6. The two high contracting parties guarantee the integrity of the territory of the Ottoman Porte in Europe.

Art. 7. They equally recognise and guarantee the principles of the Navigation of Neutrals, such as they have been recognised and consecrated by the Treaty of Utrecht.

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was willing, in the event of its removal, to repeal that decree; which being followed by alternate repeals of the other offensive edicts, might abolish the whole system on both sides. This inviting opportunity for accomplishing an object so important to the United States, and professed so often to be the desire of both the belligerents, was made known to the British government. As that government admits that an actual application of an adequate force is necessary to the existence of a legal blockade, and it was notorious that if such a force had ever been applied, its long discontinuance had annulled the blockade in question, there could be no sufficient objection on the part of Great Britain to a formal revocation of it; and no imaginable objection to a declaration of the fact that the blockade did not exist. The declaration would have been consistent with her avowed principles of blockade, and would have enabled the United States to demand from France the pledged repeal of her decrees; either with success-in which case the way would have been opened for a general repeal of the belligerent edicts, or without success, in which case the United States would have been justified in turning their measures exclusively against France. The British government would, however, neither rescind the blockade, nor declare its nonexistence, nor permit its non-existence to be inferred and affirmed by the American plenipotentiary. On the contrary, by representing the blockade to be comprehended in the orders in council, the United States were compelled so to regard it in their subsequent proceedings.

There was a period, when a favourable change in the policy of the British cabinet was justly considered as established. The minister plenipotentiary of his Britannic Majesty here, proposed an adjustment of the differences more immediately endangering the harmony of the two countries. The proposition was accepted with a promptitude and cordiality, corresponding with the invariable professions of this government. A foundation appeared to be laid for a sincere and lasting reconciliation. The prospect, however, quickly vanished. The whole proceeding was disavowed by the British government, without any explanation which could at that time repress the belief, that the disavowal proceeded from a spirit of hostility to the commercial rights and prosperity of the United States; and it has since come into proof, that, at the very moment when the public minister was holding the language of friendship, and inspired confidence in the sincerity of the negociation with which he was charged, a secret agent of his government was employed in intrigues, having for their object a subversion of our government, and a dismemberment of our happy union.

In reviewing the conduct of Great Britain towards the United States, our attention is necessarily drawn to the warfare just renewed by the savages on one of our extensive frontiers; a warfare which is known to spare neither age nor sex, and to be distinguished by features particularly shocking to humanity. It is difficult to account for the activity and combinations which have for some time been

developing

developing themselves among the tribes in constant intercourse with British traders and garrisons, without connecting their hostility with that influence; and without recollecting the authenticated examples of such interpositions heretofore furnished by the officers and agents of that government.

Such is the spectacle of injuries and indignities which have been heaped on our country; and such the crisis which its unexampled forbearance and conciliatory efforts have not been able to avert. It might at least have been expected, that an enlightened nation, if less urged by moral obligations, or invited by friendly dispositions on the part of the United States, would have found in its true interests alone a sufficient motive to respect their rights and their tranquillity on the high seas: that an enlarged policy would have favoured the free and general circulation of commerce, in which the British nation is at all times interested, and which in time of war is the best alleviation of its calamities to herself, as well as the other belligerents; and more especially that the British cabinet would not, for the sake of a precarious and surreptitious intercourse with hostile markets, have persevered in a course of measures which necessarily put at hazard the invaluable market of a great and growing country, disposed to cultivate the mutual advantages of an active

commerce.

Other councils have prevailed. Our moderation and conciliation have had no other effect than to encourage perseverance, and to enlarge pretensions. We behold our seafaring citizens still the daily

victims of lawless violence committed on the great and common highway of nations, even within the sight of the country which owes them protection. We be hold our vessels freighted with the products of our soil and industry, or returning with the honest proceeds of them, wrested from their lawful destinations, confiscated by prize courts, no longer the organs of public law, but the instruments of arbitrary edicts, and their unfortunate crews dispersed or lost, or forced or inveigled in British ports into British fleets; whilst arguments are employed in support of these aggressions, which have no foundation but in a principle equally supporting a claim to regulate our external commerce in all cases whatsoever.

We behold, in fine, on the side of Great Britain, a state of war against the United States; and, on the side of the United States, a state of peace towards Great Britain.

Whether the United States shall continue passive under these progressive usurpations, and these accumulating wrongs, or, opposing force to force in defence of their natural rights, shall commit a just cause into the hands of the Almighty Disposer of events, avoiding all connections which might entangle it in the contests or views of other powers, and preserving a constant readiness to concur in an honourable re-establishment of peace and friendship, is a solemn question, which the constitution wisely confides to the legislative department of the government. In recommending it to their early deliberations, I am happy in the assurance, that the decision will

be

be worthy the enlightened and patriotic councils of a virtuous, a free and a powerful nation.

Having presented this view of the relations of the United States with Great Britain, and of the solemn alternative growing out of them, I proceed to remark, that the communications last made to Congress on the subject of our relations with France, will have shewn, that since the revocation of her decrees, as they violated the neutral rights of the United States, her government has authorised illegal captures by its privateers and public ships; and that other outrages have been practised on our vessels and our citizens. It will have been seen, also, that no indemnity had been provided, or satisfactorily pledged, for the extensive spoliations committed under the violent and retrospective order of the French government against the property of our citizens seized within the jurisdiction of France.

I abstain at this time from recommending to the consideration of Congress definitive measures with respect to that nation, in the expectation, that the result of the inclosed discussions between our minister plenipotentiary at Paris, and the French government, will speedily enable Congress to decide with greater advantage, on the course due to the rights, the interests, the honour of our country. JAMES MADISON. Washington, June 1, 1812.

An Act, declaring War between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the Depen dencies thereof, and the United

States of America, and their
Territories.

"Be it enacted, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, that war be, and the same is hereby declared to exist between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the dependencies thereof, and the United States of America and their territories; and that the President of the United States be, and is hereby authorised, to use the whole land and naval forces of the United States, to carry the same into effect; and to issue to private armed vessels of the United States, commissions or letters of marque and general reprisal, in such form as he shall think proper, and under the seal of the United States, against the vessels, goods, and effects of the government of the said United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the subjects thereof.

"JAMES MADISON." "June 18, 1812.-Approved."

Treaty of Friendship and Alliance between Spain and Russia.

His Catholic Majesty Don Ferdinand VII. King of Spain and the Indies, and his Imperial Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, equally animated with the desire of establishing and strengthening the ancient relations of friendship which have existed between their Monarchies, have nominated for that purpose, to wit, on the part of his Catholic Majesty, and in his name and authority the Regency of Spain, residing in Cadiz, Don Fran

cisco de Zea Bermudez, and his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, Count Nicholas de Romanzoff; who having exchanged their full powers, ascertained to be in good and due form, have agreed as follows:

Art. 1. There shall be between his Majesty the King of Spain and the Indies, and his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, their heirs and successors, and between their Monarchies, not only friendship, but also sincere union and alliance.

Art. 2. The two high contracting parties, in consequence of this Resolution, will come to an understanding without delay on the stipulations of this alliance, and agree on every thing which may have connection with their respective interests, and with the firm intention to prosecute a vigorous war against the Emperor of the French, their common enemy; and engage, from this time, to concur sincerely in every thing which may be advantageous to the one or the other party.

Art. 3. His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias acknowledges for legitimate the General and Extraordinary Cortes assembled in Cadiz, as also the Constitution which they have decreed and sanctioned.

Art. 4. The commercial relations shall be re-established from this time, and reciprocally favoured. The two high contracting parties will provide the means of giving them still greater extension.

Art. 5. The present treaty shall be ratified, and the ratifications exchanged within three months, reckoning from the day of their signature, or sooner if possible: in faith

of which, we, the undersigned, have signed the present treaty, and have affixed to it the seals of our arms.

Done at Weliki Louky, July 8, (20) 1812.

FRANCISCO DE ZEA BErmudez. The Count N. DE ROMANZOFF.

Proclamation of the Emperor Alexander.

[Published in General Orders, by the Commander-in-chief, General Bennigsen.]

Russians!-The

enemy has quitted the Dwina, and has proclaimed his intention of offering battle. He accuses you of timidity, because he mistakes, or affects to mistake, the policy of your system. Can he, then, have forgotten the chastisement which your valour inflicted at Dunaberg and Mihr; wherever, in short, it has been deemed proper to oppose him? Desperate counsels are alone compatible with the enterprise he has undertaken and the dangers of his situation; but shall we, therefore, be imprudent, and forego the advantages of our own? He would march to Moscow,-let him. But can he, by the temporary possession of that city, conquer the empire of Russia, and subjugate a population of thirty millions? Distant from his resources near 800 miles, he would,'even if victorious, not escape the fate of the warrior Charles XII. When, pressed on every side by hostile armies, with a peasantry sworn to his destruction, rendered furious by his excesses, and irreconcileable by difference of religion, of customs, of language, how would he retreat ?

Russians!

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