are not less valuable, in themselves, because acquired without exertion; but, as objects of national concerny as subjects of a speech from the throne, as circumstances of a war, and as exhibiting traits of national character, they certainly are; and, in this respect, all the colonies enumerated in the speech, are in value infinitely inferior to the rocks of St. Marcou. Nevertheless, the colonies, which we have taken possession of, are of vast importance, especially Demerara and Essequibo. Their produce will materially assist in feeding the exchequer, in preventing, for a while, the monstrous increase of internal taxes, the consequent increase of bank-notes, the rapid depreciation of money, and the total disappearance of gold and silver. But, the present ministers ought, if they have not abandoned all notions of consistency, all political principle, all decency, studiously to refrain from setting a very high value upon colonies, which they, only about a year ago, surrendered even without a nominal equivalent, and the possession of which they not only declared to be useless, but injurious to Great-Britain generally, and particularly as relating to her consequence and security in Europe.* No mention is, indeed, made of the "fearful black Em"pire," in Saint Domingo, in order to destroy which a French fleet and army were suffered to go from Europe, during the negotiations for peace; and, in order to revive and re-establish which there is now employed a considerable portion of that maritime force, which might otherwise be employed in protecting our own coast, or in annoying that of the enemy; but, if the present ministers should be suffered to retain their power a few months longer, we may expect to see

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My right hon. friend [Mr. Windham] says, "that, in order to preserve the strength of our marine, and secure the extent of our commerce "and navigation, we ought to have extended our colonial system by refusing to surrender the conquests, which we made in the war, in order "To counterbalance the power of France. But, "to this, I answer, that relinquishing what we "had conquered was the only pledge for our scowity; « of our and, that it is by de ending our own posscs

by conquests, that we hold the best sureties for our rights as well as for the extension of our commerce." Mr. Addington's Speech, 29th Oct. 1801.

"I perfectly agree with my noble friend [Lord "Hawkesbury] in thinking, that we ought to "guard, with great care, against any tendency to "increase the colonial system of this country," Mr. Addington's Speechi, Nov. 3, 1801.

"If I were called upon to say, what would have the greatest effect in restoring our influence "on the Continent, 'should say: give back to France her colonial ingesting Lord Castlereagh's Speech, May 14, 1802.

another Toussaint acknowledged as Sove reign of the island; and to hear of another treaty, made for the purpose of having an other opportunity of stamping perfidy on the character of England,-THIRDLY: with regard to the state of Ireland, the speech, though expressive only of a hope, is cer tainly far too sanguine: any notion, with respect to that unhappy country, short of iurminent and constant danger will prove false and destructive. The flattering descriptions drawn by the ministerial members, and hy ministers themselves; not only during the last session of parliament, but ever since the signing of the preliminaries of peace, having proved so wretchedly delusive, it is to be hoped, that such devices will not, either at present or hereafter, be attended with similar success; it is to be hoped, that, when people recollect the boasts, which were made respecting the tranquillity of Ireland, at the very moment when a new rebellion was upon the point of breaking out; when the following expressions of Mr. Addington are remembered: "I know, Sir, there have "been periods, when there were persons in "the country, who would have overturned "its most excellent constitution; but, thank "God, these times are past; and I do be "lieve, that, through the whole of this "united kingdom, there never was a mi"nute, when the people were more satisfied "with their government, or more unani"mous in their determination to support " and defend it; and, it is with some degree of pride, I can say, that the chie cause of this happy effect is the so much reprobated treaty of peace. Before that, "there had for some time prevailed, an opi"nion, that the war might have been sooner. "terminated; but now, though it is so soch "renewed, every one is sensible of its injus"tice on the part of the enemy, and the "whole people are ready to join, heart and

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hand, in defence of their king and country, and, if necessary, to die in that cause. "I know, Sir, it was necessary, for the se"curity of the kingdom, to continue, for "some time, the suspension of the Habeas

Corpus act, and some others; but I know, "that, to the peace we owe the restoration of those valuable bulwarks of the constitu"tion, and they are not amongst the least of "its blessings." When these expressions are remembered, and when it is also remembered, that they were made use of, in the House of Commons, by the Prime Minister, and that too on the 18th of July last, just five days before there broke out a rebellion, of a nature and extent, to induce this sathe minister to call on Parliament, not only for a suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, but

also, for an authority, to exércise martial law upon the whole people of Ireland; when these things are remembered, weak and credulous indeed must be the Parliament and the nation, if they now repose any confidence in the mere hopes, which, on the present occasion, have been expressed by this minister and his colleagues. Since the measures here adverted to were adopted, it has, indeed, been frequently asserted, by the partizans of the ministry, that the rebellion in Ireland was, at bottom, but a very trifling occurrence. On the state trials, the AttorneyGeneral, Mr. Marsden's friend and creature, has called it, a "contemptible riot ;" and, in a pamphlet, written by Mr. Marsden himself, the whole is turned almost into ridicule; thus: "We found that Lord Kilwarden had "been taken by accident, and murdered with"out pre design-that the total number of lives lost on all sides hardly exceeded

which it was provided. The nervous fit ← was now over-general loyalty-universal "confidence-energetic unanimity of all ranks and classes, became a most proud "and satisfactory pledge, that the fears of "the past had been vain, and the prospects "of the future were security and strength. "Thousands of yeomen, tens of thousands "of loyalists started up in a moment, and "the success of this contemptible riot now

appeared to have been, as it really was, physically impossible." These words are taken from a pamphlet, which is, entiled, "the Opinion of an Impartial Observer, con"cerning the late Transactions in Ireland," and which has just been published in Dublin, for the purpose of being circulated by the government there, by way of answer to the charges preferred in the Register.-Now, as to the point in question, if this statement be true; if that which was called the rebellion in Ireland, was, in reality, nothing more than

a contemptible riot," how is the conduct of his Majesty's Ministers, and, indeed, of the Parliament, to be justified? The former, for demanding an Habeas Corpus Suspension Bill, and also a Martial-Law Bill, both to be -run through three readings and passed, in one night; and, the latter, for yielding to that -demand?? Where, if this statement be true, where shall we look for their justification? This is the dilemma, to which the two admiinistrations have reduced themselves: either the affair in Dublin was a contemptible ‚“xiot," orvit was not; if the latter, the Irish

administration are circulating a falsehood'; the former, the ministry here have procured a martial-law bill to be passed, with respect to Ireland, on an occasion' where even the riot act would scarcely have been read in Great-Britain; and where, most assuredly, not a single soldier would have been suffered to come out to the assistance of the civil magistrate! Do not these things call for an inquiry? The fact is, that it is, in the administration of the government of Ireland, that we ought to look, for the cause of those terrible dangers, with which the monarchy is threatened from that quarter; and, of whatever party men may be, if they have common discernment, they must be convinced, that, in this respect, the sentiments of Mr. Fox are perfectly correct; and that, without a radical change in the department alluded to, Ireland never will again be restored to a state of tranquillity. Commercial arrangements, military execution, legis. lative union, and, finally, the nauseous Addingtonian "mixture of conciliation and "firmness," have been alternately tried, and have all proved equally inefficacious; Ireland, instead of being a powerful support, is a mill-stone round the neck, of Great-Britain; and a mill-stone too, that will, if measures of prevention are not speedily adopted, sink her to a depth, from which she will never emerge.-FOURTHLY: the " progressive "improvement of the revenne," if one could forget the fallacious statements of the minister, would be some little source of consolation, especially when one recollected, that this progression goes on again in war.› But, that the system of war-taxes is to be persevered in, no man that know's any thing of the effects of taxation, can, under the present circumstances, possibly regard as matter of congratulation; especially when he refects, that there are now about fifteen hundred armed clubs, or committees, who have a deliberative faculty, who are admirably calculated for affiliation, and who will most assuredly deliberate on matters of peace as maiters of war. The last peace was made professedly, because the war no longer had an object, except that of reducing the power of France, the certainty of succeeding in which, the ministers declared, not to be worth the expense of one more campaign *. When, therefore, the present war, expensive, harrassing, and distressing as it has been

rendered by the incapacity of the ministers, | shall have lasted a year longer, who will say, that the people will not ask for an object? And who will pledge his life, that the armed clubs will not back the popular voice in de manding a peace? Certainly, the people will make any sacritice, "under a conviction of the indispensable importance of uphold"ing the dignity, and providing effectually "for the safety of the empire;" but, this conviction must be produced and kept alive in their minds, Mere words will not satisfy them. They must see, that, in return for their sacrifices, the government makes some ne real impression some where or other. They must, in short, see something done, which is likely, in the end, to afford them permanent and uninterrupted security; and, that very little of this sort of encouragement can possibly be drawn from the present plans and measures, or from the character of the men, by whom those plans and measures are devised, will be readily allowed by every one at all acquainted with the matter.-FIFTHLY: the convention with Sweden is said, to uphold our maritime rights," and to be founded on those principles of reciprocal advantage, which are best calculated to maintain and improve the good understanding, which happily subsists between "the two countries." The remaining part of this statement is vague: it may mean any thing, or it may mean nothing; but, the former part is explicit, and, as to meaning, conclusive. It asserts, that this convention, which professes to be explanatory of the eleventh article of the treaty of 1601, “nd

holds our maritime rights." In the preceding sheet, p. 723 to 727, the stipuladians of this convention were contrasted with those, relative to the same points, of our treaty of 1794 with the United States of America; and, this contrast did, I presuale, clearly discover, in the former, a very great and dangerous departure from that ancient, that still existing an acknowledged Jaw of nations, on which the stipulations of the, treaty with America were founded: begging leave, therefore, to refer the reader to the observations I then made, I shall, in this place, content myself with adding, that we have, in the present convention, abandoned, instead of upheld, our maritime rights; and that we have therein established a precedent for concessions, which, without making any allowance for encroachments on the precedent itself, will, unless prevented by a timely application of wise and resolute measures, completely destroy the foundation of our maritime greatness. I am aware, that this will be called assertion, without proof; but, as to the point of abandonment

of our rights, I have already given some proof; and, as to the consequences, which will result therefrom, the description of them is reserved till I come to discuss the question relative to the pending negotiation with America, to the success of which important negotiation I will, however, even now, venture to say, that this convention with Sweden will prove one of the most formidable obstacles →→SIXTHLY: the ministers, in order to give us a description of the object of the war, have prevailed upon his Majesty to utter the very sentiments, and almost the words, of one of the daily newspapers, in which the public were, a few days before the the speech was delivered, informed, that the true and " legi imate" object of the war was, to bring the threat of invasion

to a final issue, to prove our contempt of "the menace of invasion, and to prove that "the attempt of invasion must end in the "destruction of the invaders." Upon this principle exactly the speech proceeds, and points out, as the only object in view, or in hope, the saving of ourselves from subjugation : "not only the gery of surmounting

present difficulties, and of repelling im"mediate danger, but the solid and perma

nent advantage of fixing the safety and independence of the kingdon, on the ba"sis of acknowledged strength, the result "of its own tried and energetic resources." What! Is this, then, the object of this mighty, this monstrously expensive, this barrassing, this tormenting war? Is it for this, that we are to have half a million of men in arms? When did Englishmen ever before hear language like this? More than a hundred times has this their beloved King addressed himself to them in parliament, and when did he before make the glory of himself and his faithful people, to consist in surmounting present difficulties and repelling immediate danger? When, at what former disgraceful period of our history, was it regarded as an advantage to convince the world that we were able to preserve our independence; to prevent our enemy from making us his vassals, or carrying us into bondage? At what time were the safety and independence of this kingdom not fixed upon the basis of acknowledged strength? When was it, before now, suspected, that its strength was not sufficient to its defence? If we are at war for the sole purpose of existing out of chains a few months, or a few years, longer, miserable, indeed, is the object; and that the time cannot be very long, that our years are numbered, must be evident to every one, who, with this declaration of our object before him, recollects, that the enemy has it entirely at his own choice,

whether he shall ever attempt to invade us, or not; and, of course, whether we shall enjoy even that wretched glory and advantage, with which the ministers would fain have us be content. There is not, in any part of the speech, any allusion to those claims, to "just and moderate pretensions," to enforce which his Majesty was advised to tell the world that he declared war. Switzerland, Italy, Holland, the independence of Europe, the protection of Egypt, and even the possession of Malta, all have melted away before the grand and glorious object of braving the menace of invasion, which menace, let the poor tame nation recollect, never was uttered 'till after the ministers had resolved to go to war for other and very different causes !

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UNANIMITY. counter-sign. • Come, come,' say their partizans, the country is in danger; let us be ⚫ unanimous !' Unanimous in wish, word, and deed, to preserve the country, with all my heart; but not to preserve the ministry, not to prolong those weak and wicked councils, by which the country has been placed in such a state of peril, by which the “glory" of Englishmen has, at last, been made to consist in the hope of saving themselves from being the slaves of Frenchmen. The great Lord Chatham was of opinion, that, in time of war, nothing could be more proper than an inquiry into the character and talents of those to whom the conducting of the war, to whom the preservation of the throne and the people, were committed; Mr. Burke reprobated the idea of abstaining from such inquires, merely because the country was in danger; "for," said he,

This is the ministerial

if you admit this doctrine, the greater the "danger in which ministers shall place the "country, and, of course, the greater their "crimes or incapacity, the greater is their "security, and the greater the confidence "which you are to repose in them!" Preposterous as Mr. Burke thought this doctrine; preposterous, and, indeed, insolent, as is the pretension, it is precisely that which is now set up by the partizans of the ministers. There is to be no opposition, no inquiry, no speaking but to approve of the conduct of the ministry; nothing is to be done to disturb that slumber, into which we have sunk upon the Doctor's somniferous pillow, and from which we shall certainly awake only to a sense of our perdition, unless we instantly bestir ourselves.Unanimity! I am for unanimity, as perfect as ever it can be ex

pected, even as to parties; but it is an union of great talents and of great public character, in the service of the state, in the councils of his Majesty, and not in submission to the Doctor. It is truly curious, that of this administration, which is continually crying for unanimity, the vital principle is division, the dividing and keeping asunder of all the great men in the country. Mr. Vansittart, who wrote in defence of Mr. Pitt's finance system, and Mr. Tierney, who never opened his mouth but to decry it; Lord Castlereagh, who solemnly pledged himself to the Catholics of Ireland, and Mr. Addington whose promotion arose out of his pledged opposition to their views; Mr. Yorke who constantly defended the war with France, and Mr. Hobhouse, who constantly opposed it; men, in short, who have been as much opposed to each other as it is possible, now set very snugly together on the Treasury Bench, and gravely exhort their hearers to banish all party animosity, while, at the very same moment, they are, both in and out of doors, incessantly at work to keep alive and to increase the animosity existing between the men of great and rival talents, who, with sorrow and with shame be it spoken, are, in this respect, rendered the puppets of a set of miserable underlings. Yes, I too, in common with every faithful and zealous subject, in common with every man attached to the liberty and honour of his country, wish to see the men of great talents and consequence chase from their minds all recollection of party differences and feuds; I mest sincerely wish to see them banish all animosity, animosity of every sort, and towards every body, but particularly towards one another. This is the unanimity, which I wish, and which the nation wishes to see; an unanimity that would rouze us from the death-like torpor, in which we are now sunk; that would give us confidence in ourselves, and restore us to consequence in the eyes of other nations. This sort of unanimity would relieve us from that state of doubt and uncertainty, from that dread of the enemy, that distrust of ourselves, and from that load of contempt, which we feel pressing upon us from every quarter of the world, and under which it is impossible for us long to survive.

As it appears, that, in the letter of Philo-Patriæ, relative to the Oxford Volunteers, there was some mis-statement, a correction will be inserted, whenever it shall be received.

LONDON,