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dragged from his home by one power, or driven by another, and impoverished by taxes more than by enemies, it becomes evident that those systems are bad, and that a general revolution in the principle and construction of governments is necessary.

What is government more than the management of the affairs of a Nation? It is not, and from its nature cannot be, the property of any particular man or family, but [of] the whole community; and though by force or contrivance it has been usurped into an inheritance, the usurpation cannot alter the right of things. Sovereignty, as a matter of right, appertains to the Nation only, and not to any individual; and a Nation has at all times an inherent indefeisible right to abolish any form of government it finds inconvenient, and establish such as accords with its interest, disposition, and happiness. The romantic and barbarous distinction of men into kings and subjects, though it may suit the condition of courtiers cannot that of Citizens; and is exploded by the principle upon which governments are now founded. Every Citizen is a member of the Sovereignty, and, as such, can acknowledge no personal subjection; and his obedience can be only to the laws.

When men think of what government is, they must necessarily suppose it to possess a knowledge of all the objects and matters upon which its authority is to be exercised. In this view of government, the republican system, as established by America and France, operates to embrace the whole of a Nation; and the knowledge necessary to the interest of all the parts, is to be found in the centre, which the parts by representation form: but the old governments are on a construction that excludes knowledge as well as happiness; government by monks, who know nothing of the world beyond the walls of a convent, is as consistent as government by kings.

against the declaration of war.-No wonder that within a few months after this work was published war was actually declared by the French government; in the name of the Nation indeed, the rights of the Nation being in some measure acknowledged in words, but that Nation being completely passive notwithstanding with respect to this most important act, as though under the yoke of an asiatic despot.

What were formerly called revolutions, were little more than a change of persons, or an alteration of local circumstances. They rose and fell like things of course, and had nothing in their existence or their fate that could influence beyond the spot that produced them. But what we now see in the world, from the revolutions of America and France, are a renovation of the natural order of things, a system of principles as universal as truth and the existence of man, and combining moral with political happiness and national prosperity.

"I. Men are born and always continue free and equal in respect of their rights. Civil distinctions, therefore, can be founded only on public utility.

II. The end of all political association is the preservation of the natural and imprescriptible rights of man, and these rights are, liberty, property, and resistance of oppression. HII. .........

In these principles there is nothing to throw a Nation into confusion by inflansing ambition. They are calculated to call forth wisdom and abilities, and to exercise them for the public good, and not for the emolument or aggrandisement of particular descriptions of men or families, Monarchical sovereignty, the enemy of mankind and the source of misery, is abolished; and sovereignty itself is restored to its natural and original place, the Nation. Were this the case throughout Europe, the cause of wars would be taken

away.

It is attributed to Henry the fourth of France, a man of an enlarged and benevolent heart, that he proposed, about the year 1610, a plan for abolishing war in Europe. The plan consisted in constituting a European congress, or, as the French authors stile it, a pacific republic; by appointing delegates from the several Nations, who were to act as a court of arbitration, in any disputes that might arise between Nation and Nation.

Had such a plan been adopted at the time it was proposed, the taxes of England and France, as two of the parties, would have been at least ten millions sterling annually, to each Nation, less, than they were, at the commencement of the French revolution.

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To conceive a cause why such a plan has not been adopted, (and that instead of a congress for the purpose of preventing war, it has been called only to terminate a war, after a fruitless expense of several years) it will be necessary to consider the interest of governments as a distinct interest to that of Nations.

Whatever is the cause of taxes to a Nation, becomes also the means of revenue to a government. Every war terminates with an addition of taxes, and consequently with an addition of revenue; and in any event of war, in the manner they are now commenced and concluded, the power and interest of governments are increased. War, therefore, from its productiveness, as it easily furnishes the pretence of necessity for taxes and appointments to places and offices, becomes the principal part of the system of old governments; and to establish any mode to abolish war, however advantageous it might be to Nations, would be to take from such government the most lucrative of its branches. The frivolous matters upon which war is made, shew the disposition and avidity of governments to uphold the system of war, and betray the motives upon which they

act.

Why are not Republics plunged into war, but because the nature of their government does not admit of an interest dictinct to that of the nation ?(111) Even Holland, though an ill-constructed Republic, and with a commerce extending over the world, existed nearly a century without war: and the instant the form of government was changed in France, the Republican principles of peace, and domestic prosperity and economy, arose with the new govern

(111) Republics have sometimes been plunged into war, but they are generally speaking less in danger of war, in proportion to the measure of control which the rightful Sovereign, the People, exercises over the government. It is very possible that the government, in a Republic as well as elsewhere, indulges hopes of gaining by war, but the majority of the Citizens ought to abhor and dread war, and will in general abhor and dread it.The mere circumstance of the government's bearing the name of a Republican government, and the members of it being chosen by the People, affords no security whatsoever against this or any other evil, sbould such a government at any time have the means to act or reign uncontrolled.

ment; and the same consequences would follow the same causes in other Nations.

As war is the system of government on the old construction, the animosity which Nations reciprocally entertain, is nothing more than what the policy of their governments excite, to keep up the spirit of the system. Each government accuses the other of perfidy, intrigue, and ambition, as a means of heating the imagination of their respective Nations, and incensing them to hostilities. Man is not the enemy of man, but through the medium of a false system of government. Instead therefore of exclaiming against the ambition of kings, the exclamation should be directed against the principle of such governments; and instead of seeking to reform the individual, the wisdom of a Nation should apply itself to reform the system.

The intrigue of courts, by which the system of war is kept up, may provoke a confederation of Nations to abolish it: and a European congress to patronize the progress of free government, and promote the civilization of Nations with each other, is an event nearer in probability, than once were the revolutions and alliance of France and America.

EXTRAITS

D'UNE LETTRE QUE

JEAN-BAPTISTE DROUET,(112)

Membre du conseil des cinq-cents, se proposa d'envoyer au Citoyen Carnot, qui fut alors président du directoire exécutif; au printemps de 1796.

CITOYEN!

Vous m'avez demandé l'autre jour, et je vous ai promis de vous faire part de mes idées sur notre situation actuelle; je remplis mon engagement: puissent mes faibles travaux être de quelque utilité au bonheur de ma Patrie! c'est le vœu le plus cher de mon cœur: après lui avoir souvent sacrifié mon existence et ma fortune, il ne me reste plus qu'à former des vœux pour qu'elle soit enfin libre et heu-

reuse.

Nouvellement arrivé sur le sol de la République, je jette de tous côtés des regards incertains, et je cherche quels sont les vrais amis de la Patrie, quels sont les moyens qu'on emploie pour procurer au Peuple l'accomplissement des vœux qu'il formait lorsqu'il a entrepris cette glorieuse révolution qui étonne l'univers.

Si je m'adresse aux hommes fortunés, aux savans, à ceux qui remplissent les emplois dans la République, tous crient anathême contre les Patriotes énergiques. Selon eux, tous ces hommes qui ont renversé le trône, la superstition, les préjugés, fait pâlir les rois, écrasé, anéanti leurs armées, et comprimé dans l'intérieur la malveillance et l'agiotage;

(112) Drouet was that postmaster that stopped Louis Capet when travelling in disguise towards the frontiers; when drawing up this letter he had recently returned from his long and aggravated captivity in Austria; soon after, he was arrested on presumption of being implicated in the great enterprise of Babœuf and others; but was acquitted.

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To save to myself time, and avoid the trouble of translating, I have been induced to insert these extracts, and some other fragments, untranslated.

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