tect us from such a dreadful situation as [ (lord Lauderdale) would take upon himto apprehend a famine from our de- self to declare, there was not a man in pendence on foreign countries. But either House of Parliament who had any there was a mode which would avoid such intention. The measure was inthe evils of both these extremities; for tended to moderate the price, and in its efwhatever were the taxes to be retained, fect he had no hesitation in saying it let those which affect the price of provi- would lower the price. The noble earl sions be taken off, and then the farmer had laid down a proposition which was would be able to sell his corn in defiance wholly unfounded in its principle. The of the importation. He saw the noble earl price of labour had nothing to do with in the red coat over the way (the earl of that of provisions; when provisions Liverpool being dressed in his uniform as had been low, the price of labour had lord warden of the Cinque Ports) who was been high. The noble earl (Laudernow our commander in chief; and he was dale) stated, that the measure now prosorry to hear that it was his intention, and posed had been justified by experience in that of ministers, to continue the property- former years, and he adverted to the effect tax; though, perhaps, not the whole ten which had been derived from two systems per cent. yet a very considerable portion of an opposite description; and there a of it. Why they should be induced to do provision, upon the principle of the inso, he knew not, but understood the noble tended alteration, was attended with a beearl had a great liking for that tax, and neficial result. could not bear to give it up altogether. At the same time, there were other taxes, such as the assessed taxes on carriages, horses, &c. which were to be taken off. Now these were the very taxes which ought to be continued. "But, take away," said earl Stanhope, "the taxes from the poor; take away the taxes from the price of provisions, the taxes which affect the price of bread and of beer; take away that most odious of taxes, the tax on candles, the tax on soap, the tax on salt, and all those taxes which fall upon the poor and industrious bees of the community." The noble earl, in conclusion, again adverted to the prayer of these Petitions, which only desired that the proposed system might be delayed for the present session of parliament. He accordingly presented several Petitions from different parishes in London and its vicinity, which were ordered to be read. The Earl of Lauderdale could not, in justice to the merits of this subject, permit the observations of the noble earl to pass without some remarks, even upon the present occasion. It was not his intention to state his sentiments at length; but he would venture to say, that when the measure to which the noble lord had alluded came under their consideration, he should be able to shew that some of the propositions he laid down this night were, instead of being incontrovertible, completely absurd. The noble earl had, in the outset of his statement, intimated, that the measure was one intended by those who proposed it to raise the price of bread, and to do injury to the poor. He Earl Stanhope was not inclined to differ with the noble earl who had just sat down, and had stated, that one of the observations he made was an absurd one; for he (earl S.) had never uttered it; but the noble earl (Lauderdale) having no such windmills of his (earl S.), he had created windmills of his own, for the purpose of combating them. He had never charged any set of men with the intention of increasing the price of bread, and injuring the poor; but their measure would have that effect, and they had blundered into it. The noble earl had also contended, that the price of labour had nothing to do with that of provisions. His argument was for an inverse ratio, that the lower the price of provisions the higher would be that of labour. He might go on; but that was inexplicable to his mind. As to the different systems he had alluded to, one of them was tried when there was scarcely any national debt; but that made a wide difference in respect to the present times, when the country was loaded with an enormous debt, and had to support the interest by taxes. The Petitions were then severally ordered to lie on the table. TREATY OF PEACE.] The earl of Liverpool, by the command of his royal highness the Prince Regent, presented to the House a copy of the Treaty entered into between his Royal Highness on the part of his Britannic Majesty, and his most Christian Majesty the King of France. He moved, "That this Treaty be taken into consideration on Thursday se'nnight, and that the Lords be summoned for that day." HOUSE OF COMMONS. Monday, June 6. CORN LAWS.] A great number of petitions were presented against the proposed Corn Laws, and praying that their consideration might be postponed till next session. These were received, and ordered to lie on the table. One from Leeds, lord Milton, who pre signatures, although the meeting from which it originated took place only on Wednesday last, and although the petition was not handed about for signatures. Lord Grenville said, he could not suffer this very first opportunity to pass, without stating that it was with the utmost grief and indignation he had read that part of the Treaty in question which related to the abolition of the Slave-Trade. When he recollected the unanimous acquiescence of that House in a proposition which he had the honour to submit to their lord-sented it, stated to have twenty thousand ships upon the subject-when he recollected the universal consent of almost all nations, that it was most desirable to prevent the continuance of that most abominable and disgraceful traffic-when he considered that it had been relinquished by all the nations of Europe, upon the common principles of justice and religion, as a high crime, and as a practice which should be radically done away with what must be his astonishment and regret, his grief and disappointment, upon reading the article that morning to which he alluded! He trusted, however, it would be a matter of speedy and serious consideration, whether there might not be even yet some mode in which parliament, or their lordships, might act in pursuance of their unanimous resolution, with a view to the attainment of its object. The Earl of Liverpool felt a degree of reluctance in troubling their lordships at the present moment with any observations on any topic connected with the Treaty just laid before them; but he could not avoid assuring the noble baron, that he was quite mistaken, if he supposed that his Majesty's ministers did not feel, on this particular subject, as much anxiety and solicitude as he could, to effect the completion of the great object in question; he meant the universal abolition of the Slave Trade; for they were sensible, whatever difference of opinion might have formerly obtained with regard to a partial abolition, yet that point being once decided, they felt it essential to the principle upon which it proceeded, that the abolition should become universal. With regard to the particular article referred to, and the circumstances under which it was concluded, he meant not at present to observe; but he would request their lordships to postpone their judgments until they had an opportunity of fully hearing the sentiments of his Majesty's government upon the subject. Mr. Thornton presented a petition from the owners and occupiers of land in the county of Surrey, praying that their interest might be protected, which, they were of opinion, could be done without injury to the other inhabitants of Great Britain. He presented also a petition from Godalming, and another from Kingston, against the Corn Bills; and observed, that under the conflicting opinions, he recommended that time should be taken to weigh more fully the consequences of this important measure, and to see if the conflicting interests might not be reconciled. Mr. Howorth, in presenting a petition from the, borough of Evesham, shortly stated, that private letters accompanying that petition had informed him, that a considerable ferment had been excited in-the public mind throughout the country upon this subject; and although he was aware that parliament ought not to be deterred from the discharge of its duties by mere clamour, yet in the present instance, no positive necessity appearing to exist for the present Bill, he would submit it to the House, whether it would not be exercising a sound discretion to postpone further proceedings until the country should have time, deliberately, to examine into the true nature of the proposed measure. On presenting a petition from Exeter, Mr. Courtenay urged the propriety of attending to the prayer of the petition by postponing the further consideration of the question to which it referred until the next session. Mr. M. A. Taylor, on presenting a petition from Poole, stated, that it was signed by a number of respectable individuals who were fully competent to form an opinion upon the subject. For himself, he had no hesitation in saying, that he entirely concurred in the wish of the petitioners. Indeed, from the moment the measure referred to was brought forward, he had the strongest objections to it; being always of opinion that parliament ought not to interfere upon the subject, but leave corn, like every other article in trade, to find its own level. Mr. Lockhart, upon presenting a petition from Oxford, observed, that at the meeting from which it originated, he had thought it his duty to address his constituents, with a view to impress upon their minds, that the measure to which the petition referred was not calculated to produce the consequences which the petitioners apprehended. He deprecated the sentiment which prevailed among them with regard to the motive of those by whom that measure was brought forward. He therefore told his constituents, that it was their interest, that it was the universal interest of the nation, to encourage the industry of our own countrymen, by preferring the produce of our own agriculture to that of foreigners, and thus to render ourselves independent of foreign supply. This statement he thought due to the character of that House, to that of the authors of the measure under consideration, and to his own conscientious conviction. But he was sorry to find that he totally failed in producing the impression he desired; and he felt it right to inform ministers that a considerable alarm prevailed upon the subject; and that districts, heretofore remarkable for their peaceable and orderly conduct, were in a state of great agitation in consequence of this measure. He therefore conceived that it would be advisable to postpone any further proceeding upon the measure until the public mind was in a better temper, by being more enlightened respecting it. Ministers would, he had no doubt, act with firmness; tempered, however, he trusted, with a due degree of prudence. Mr. Canning, who presented a petition from Liverpool with 22,000 signatures, said, that he thought it impossible for any man who had cast his observation about for the last ten days, not to feel, that unless some urgent and pressing necessity called for its adoption, it would be the height of impolicy to urge the measures referred to by the petitioners at present. No such urgent necessity had been shewn to exist; and as he was confident, without pronouncing any opinion upon the merits of the Bill, that it was not yet understood, he recommended strongly that it should not be hurried through the House. In whatever way the question might be met, or whatever might be his ultimate opinion upon it, he was persuaded that a measure of this nature ought not to be carried, unless the general opinion of the people out of doors were in its favour. On these grounds, he would be an advocate for any proposition to postpone the further proceeding upon this measure at present; and the more so because he thought it might be dispensed with, at least until it should undergo further consideration, and until a thorough understanding of its character and object should be propagated among the people. General Gascoigne supported the view of his right hon. colleague; and, adverting to a scoff applied to a similar petition lately presented from Bristol, declared his conviction, that so universal and so strong was the public objection to the measure referred to, that it would be dangerous to the peace of the country to adopt it. Lord Levison Gower, on presenting a petition from Wolverhampton, spoke in the same strain. Mr. Coke presented a petition from the corn growers and millers of Norfolk in favour of the proposed alteration in the corn laws. Ordered to lie on the table-as was a petition of an opposite nature, presented by Mr. W. Smith, from Norwich, which petition the hon. member stated to have 12,000 signatures. About five o'clock lord Castlereagh entered the House, for the first time since his return from France, and was greeted with loud and most animated cheering, frequently repeated from every part of the House. Business was for some moments suspended. His lordship bowed, and took his seat amid the acclamations of the members. PETITION OF CLOCK-MAKERS OF LONDON.] Sir W. Curtis presented a Petition of the master wardens and court of assistants of the art or mystery of clockmakers in the city of London, setting forth: "That the art of making clocks and watches was long since established, and has been carried on in this country with great private and public advantage, and has attained unequalled excellence; that, till within a few years past, more than 100,000 clocks and watches have been annually made, whereby the sum of at least 500,000l. has been produced by British labour, on materials principally of British produce; and that many thousand arti is illicitly imported into this country, ist one of the principal causes of the declining state of the British manufactory; and that, during the long continuance of the war, the exportation of British clock and watch work has very much diminished, while the illicit importation of foreign clock and watch work has increased to an unprece⚫. dented degree during the same period, and, unless some new remedy be opposed to the evil, there is reason to apprehend that, whenever a general peace shall be made, the condition of the British manufactory of clocks and watches will become still more calamitous from the increased watch work will then be illicitly introduced into this country, as well for home consumption as for the export trade; and that foreign clocks and watches so illicitly imported are openly exposed for sale in all parts of the kingdom; and that, in order to obviate any impediments which national preference, joined to the acknowledged superiority of English work, might oppose to the sale of foreign watches, they are illicitly imported in an incomplete state, and, being made to resemble in their exterior appearance English watches, are sold as English, to the great injury of the public and the ruin of the petitioners; and that no permanent or effectual relief to the distress of the petitioners can be ob sans were thereby usefully employed; and that the national advantages derived from the perfection to which the art of clock and watch-making has been carried in this country, are not limited to the value of its produce, but extend to every branch of manufacture in which machinery is used; and that, from the operation of various causes, the value of the clock and watch manufactory as a source of national advantage has of late years been greatly deteriorated, and continues rapidly declining; the manufacturers, deprived of adequate employment, are obliged to seek other means of subsistence, and the workmen in all its branches are, in great num-facilities with which foreign clock and bers, reduced to distress, or are dependent 'on parochial relief for support, and many of the superior workmen, destitute of suitable encouragement at home, have been seduced to foreign countries, carrying with them their knowledge and ability, to construct and employ the most valuable and useful machinery, whereby the principal manufactures of Great Britain will be transplanted and established in foreign countries to the exclusion of British manufactures; and that the former prosperity of a manufactory so intrinsically and relatively important, was in a great measure attained by the enforcement of the restrictions imposed by act of parliament on the importation of foreign clock and watch work, as well in an in-tained, unless the wisdom of parliament complete as in a complete state; and that, in the year 1787, a duty of 27 per centum was imposed on all foreign clocks and watches imported into this country, which duty has subsequently, from time to time, been increased, and now amounts to 75 per centum; and that, in consequence of the want of provisions adequate to the collection of such import duties, the illicit introduction into this country of foreign clock and watch work has obtained to an extent ruinously injurious to the British manufactory, and the advantage derived by the smuggler having increased in proportion to the increase of the duties, the illicit trade is now so regularly systematized, that the importers will undertake the safe conduct and delivery of foreign clock and watch work, without payment of duty, in this country, for 10 per cent. on its value, thus affording the illicit trader a premium of 65 per cent. which enables him to undersell the British manufacturer, and to the great injury of the public revenue; and that this facility with which foreign clock and watch work (VOL. XXVII. ) should interfere, and remove or mitigate those evils, the existence and consequence of which the petitioners most humbly represent and most sincerely deplore, and are prepared to prove to the House; and praying, that the House will investigate the extent and causes of the evils of which they complain, and will afford to the petitioners such relief as to them may seem meet." Sir J. Newport observed, that although the manufacturers were thus ready to come forward with petitions to secure to themselves the monopoly of their own market by the exclusion of foreign manufactures, yet they were loud in complaining of any attempt to secure the advantages of the British market to British agriculturists by the exclusion of foreign corn. When some gentlemen spoke of freedom of trade, he thought they appeared only to insist upon its application to agriculture, while every restriction that could benefit manufacture was tenaciously maintained. If, indeed, the proposition of free trade were applied generally, the legis (3Z) lature would then proceed upon sound principles; but at present he had to complain, that the same measure of protection which was meted out to the manufacturer was denied to the agriculturist. Mr. Rose said, that the right hon. baronet had wholly mistaken the petition, as its only object was to guard the petitioners against fraud. As to the right hon. baronet's allusion to agriculture, he (Mr. R.) should be ready to meet him at the proper time on that point, Sir J. Newport insisted that he had not misunderstood the Petition; as its object was, to render more effectual the law which granted them a monopoly of the British market by the comparative exclusion of foreign manufactures. Sir W. Curtis stated, that the petitioners did not require any monopoly; but only asked, that foreign watches should not be so marked, that a purchaser should be unable to distinguish a good English watch from an inferior foreign article. Mr. Barham asked, for what purpose it could be required to prevent fraudulent importation, unless there was a prohibition? With regard to the Petitions presented against the proposed change in the corn laws, he thought that the House must yield to the public feeling on that subject; for a spirit had been excited out of doors, which was calculated to overawe the House; and he could not help expressing his surprise at the quarter from which the appeal had been recently made from that House to the people. He never, indeed, recollected any such appeal even at Palace-yard or Copenhagen-house. But any man could have roused the feelings of the people upon the subject of food. It required no talents to produce such agitation as now existed; but that agitation existing, no one could safely advise the House to proceed farther in the measure under conside ration-indeed the House dare not-(A loud cry of Order! Chair! Chair!) The Speaker expressed his opinion, that the hon. member could not advisedly use such language. Mr. Barham explained, that when he said that the House dared not proceed farther upon such a measure with a view to its adoption, he meant that it dared not adopt such a Bill, under all the circumstances of the case; from a consideration of the alarm which prevailed respecting it, and the evils which its adoption was but too, likely to produce. He meant the House dared not do that which would be contrary to its duty. The hon. member On the motion for referring the Petition. to a committee, Mr. Rose declared, that this was the first time he had ever heard a member of parliament observe, that there could be no fraudulent importation unless there was a prohibition; while the fact was, that not a single article was imported into this country without being subjected to taxation. So much for the hon, member's skill and intelligence. [Hear, hear! from sir J. Newport.] The hon. baronet might cheer, but his statement was correct-for he recollected very few articles indeed, not even excepting raw materials, which course, such articles might be fraudulently were not subject to an import duty. Of imported. The hon. member had alluded to excitement upon this subject; but all that he (Mr. R.) had done respecting the corn laws could not, he trusted, be deemed irregular; for it consisted in his speech delivered in that House, in which speech he conscientiously stated his opinion. In that question, he would ask what improper motive could be imputed to him, or how it was possible for him in such a case to be actuated by any sinister consideration?" He declared that, independently of the speech alluded to, he had offered nothing to excite any petition upon this question. Even to Southampton, which was repreplied to upon the subject, merely sent the sented by a relation of his, he, when ap resolution of that House, without any advice whatever how the electors, of that town should proceed. In fact, he did not believe that any excitement had been used, upon this question. On the contrary, he or was at all necessary, among the people regarded the petitions on the table quite as the spontaneous expression of the public opinion. Whether that opinion was correct or not, he had no doubt that it was spontaneous; and it was evidently so decided against the proposed change, that |