The Outlook is a Weekly Newspaper and an Illustrated Monthly Magazine in one. It is published every Saturday-fifty-two issues a year. The first issue in each month is an Illustrated Magazine Number, containing about twice as many pages as the regular weekly issue, and many pictures. Price. The subscription price is Three Dollars a year, payable in advance. Ten cents a copy. Postage is Prepaid by the publishers for all subscriptions in the United States, Canada, and Mexico. For all other countries in the Postal Union add $1.56 for postage. Change of Address.-When a change of address is ordered, both the new and the old address must be given. The notice should be sent one week before the change is to take effect. Discontinuances.-If a subscriber wishes his copy of the paper discontinued at the expiration of his subscription, notice to that effect should be sent. Otherwise it is assumed that a continuance of the subscription is desired. 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Our regular stock of imported Washable Cotton and Linen fabrics, including Madras for shirtings, Piqués (white and JAMES MCCUTCHEON & CO. "The Linen Store," 14 W. 23d Street, N. Y. A SAMPLE PACKAGE OF Wheatena with some new recipes by the Principal of the Boston Cooking School Ready in 2 Minutes. HEALTH FOOD COMPANY'S Wheatena Sold by all Grocers will be sent on receipt of FREE HEALTH FOOD COMPANY, 61 Fifth Avenue, New York City Vol. 64 The Outlook Published Weekly April 21, 1900 Senator Clark Unseated The vote of the Senate Committee on Privileges and Elections that the seat of Senator Clark, of Montana, should be declared vacant was the most gratifying political event of last week. Best of ali, the decision was unanimous. Since the time of the Civil War at least it has been customary for the votes of election contest committees to follow party lines. In the present case it was expected that the fact that Mr. Clark was a Silver Democrat would influence some Democrat or Populist to vote in his favor, and it was feared that the fact that Mr. Clark was a protectionist and an expansionist might lead some Republican to wink at the methods by which the election was secured. But every member of the Committee voted that a Senator whose election was promoted by such unscrupulous use of money on the part of his accredited agents could not, without disgrace to the Senate and peril to the Commonwealth, be permitted to hold his seat. This decision is a great victory for political morality, and goes far to establish the principle that the proof of corrupt practices by the agent of any political candidate renders void his election. The speech made last Mr. Quay's Claims week by Senator Burrows, of Michigan, against the seating of Mr. Quay seems to us an unanswerable argument. Only two years ago, Senator Burrows recalled, the Senate voted 50 to 19 against seating ex-Senator Corbett, who had been appointed by the Governor of Oregon. The material facts in this case are the saine as they were in that. The only change is in the name of the party seeking admission to the Senate. Then it was ex-Senator Corbett; now it is ex-Senator Quay. A change of parties certainly ought not to produce a change No. 16 of convictions." Continuing, Senator Burrows put sharply the issue: No Governor has yet attempted to take the matter of selecting Senators out of the hands language of the Constitution, appoint only to of the Legislature. He can now, in the plain vacancies which "happen during the recess of the Legislature." The contention of Mr. Quay's friends is that the Executive may fill any vacancy he finds existing when the Legisin Pennsylvania, only six months distant, if lature is in recess. In the approaching election ex-Senator Quay should be a candidate for re-election, it will not be necessary for him to carry a majority of the Legislature, but only to secure a sufficient number of adherents to prevent an election and force an adjournment, when Governor Stone can again disregard the mandates of his own Constitution, refuse to call a session of the Legislature, and again issue his commission to Senator Quay to hold a seat in this body by the favoritism of the Governor, and independent of the will of the Legislature of the State of Pennsylvania. In every State, a Senatorial candidate who has the favor of the Governor, or hopes for the favor of the Governor, will only need to control a handful of legislators to prevent any election by the Legislature. The disposal of United States Senatorships by legislative majorities furnishes recurring deadlocks and scandal, but the plan of putting Senators at the disposal of legislative minorities would open the door to a worse state of affairs. Nothing could be better calculated to promote the deadlocking of Legislatures and the manipulation of legislators by State executives. The only defense urged by Senator Quay's supporters is that the Constitution contemplates that every State should have full representation. Fortunately, the Senate Committee on Privileges and Elections has just reached the unanimous decision that it is better that a State should be unrepresented than that it should be misrepresented-that is, represented by one who has no right to represent it. The unanimous vote against Senator Clark, as well as the vote of 50 to 19 against ex-Senator Corbett, both proclaim the Senate's inconsistency if it votes to seat ex-Senator Quay. Direct Election of Senators The House of Representatives, by a vote of 240 to 15, has adopted a resolution to amend the Constitution so that United States Senators shall be elected by the people of the several States instead of the Legislatures. This is the third time the House has passed such a bill, but the Senate has hitherto refused to act upon it. The majority in the House this year ought to convince the Senate of the strength and permanence of the popular demand that this reform be carried out. A few years ago the dignity of the Senate might have been thought to prompt its neglect of the House resolution, for Senators were naturally loth to admit public dissatisfaction with the manner of their election. But now that the popular demand is so nearly universal, it is in the highest degree undignified for any Senator to thwart this demand-for no action could proclaim more loudly the truth of the charge that Senators do not represent the people of their States. Most of the Senators, we believe, could secure re-election by the direct vote of the people, and their own self-respect as well as the desire to prevent the deadlocking and the corruption of Legislatures ought to induce the Senate to ratify the House resolution. On Wednesday of last week The Porto Rico Bill Adopted the House of Representatives accepted the Porto Rico Bill exactly as it passed the Senate. At the opening of the session at noon a rule was adopted providing that the bill should be discussed until five o'clock, and then voted upon "without delay or other motion." By means of this rule a vote on the amendments desired by the Democrats providing for free trade with Porto Rico and a legislature with both branches elected by the people of the island was avoided. During the debate the Democrats attempted to make a good deal of the charge that the trusts had caused the Republican party to impose a tariff on Porto Rican products, but the Republicans showed that the tariff would fall chiefly on sugar and tobacco planters and speculators, who were the wealthiest people in the island and desired free trade. The speeches which awakened the greatest interest were those of the Republicans who voted against the bill. The point urged most strongly in these speeches was that the bill violated the spirit and the traditions of America and of the Republican party. Mr. Lorimer, of Illinois, declared that he would vote only for a civil government bill which would give the Porto Ricans "suci government as we would accept for ourselves;" Mr. McCall, of Massachu setts, declared that the tax on Porto Rican products had transformed the whole country into a "Boston tea party;" and Mr. H. C. Smith, of Michigan, recalled in detail the revolutionary protests against the principle that Great Britain could levy an arbitrary tax, however insignificant, upon a territory unrepresented in its Parliament. The final reply on behalf of the Republicans was made by Mr. Payne, of New York, whose conclusion was as follows: I am ready to answer to my constituents and give them an account of my stewardship; of the question to be prepared to explain to and I want you gentlemen on the other side the laborers of your district how you came to vote for a constitutional proposition that will, if carried into effect, give free sugar from Porto Rico, free sugar from the islands of the sea, and at the same time establish the Constitution there, making citizens of ten million Filipinos, giving them the right to come here as contract laborers, destroying the high wages and thrift of your constituents and mine. When the vote was taken, three Democrats supported the bill and eight Republicans opposed it. The vote stood 161 to 153. The President has offered the office of Civil Governor of Porto Rico to Mr. Charles Herbert Allen, and the acceptance of the appointment is expected. This will of course involve the resignation by Mr. Allen of his position as Assistant Secretary of the Navy, a position which he has admirably filled, and in which he has been Secretary Long's right-hand man and has worked indefatigably for the good of the service and the effective conduct of the department. The appointment of Mr. Allen to Porto Rico may, therefore, be The Governor of Porto Rico confidently regarded as one of the best kind—namely, one made because of faithful service. Mr. Allen is a Massachusetts man, a graduate of Amherst College, and was for several years engaged in the management of one of the largest New England cotton-mills. As a Republican he entered politics some twenty years ago, and has occupied seats in the Massachusetts State Senaté and in two Congresses. In 1891 he accepted the Republican nomination for Governor, but was defeated under exceptional circumstances by the late William E. Russell. Mr. Allen immediately followed Mr. Roosevelt as Assistant Secretary of the Navy, when the former resigned in order to organize the Rough. Riders, in May, 1898. It need hardly be said that the past two years have called for unusual and arduous work in the Naval Department, and it is universally acknowledged that Mr. Allen has closely studied the immense body of details connected with this administration, and has not only carried on the work of the department in a most satisfactory way, but has personally devoted a great deal of effort to insure harmony in the department, and consequent promptness and efficiency in its work. As Governor of Porto Rico, he will have powers which are defined by the bill just passed; his term of office will be four years; he has a veto power over legislation; he is commander-in-chief of the militia; and he has, in addition to all the powers of the Governors of the Territories of the United States, special executive duties and functions of several kinds. Claims to Re-election Congressman Henry R. Gibson, of East Tennessee, has issued a circular to his constituents which, in its abridged form, bids fair to become a classic among campaign documents. "My claims," he says, with commendable frankness, are based upon the following record of service: Eight hundred and twenty-three war claims put through, amounting to $1,200,000. Sixty-five private pension bills. Forty-one men commissioned in the army by my influence. Twenty nine postmasters appointed. Seventy-four new post-offices established. Twelve thousand calls at the Pension Office. Twenty-nine thousand packages of seed Twenty-seven thousand pamphlets and books sent out sent. One hundred and sixty-seven thousand copies of my own speeches sent out. Forty-seven thousand letters to my constitu ents. With the possible exception of the postoffice and army appointments secured through Mr. Gibson's influence, every one of these public services aimed to benefit individuals and especially one individual-at the public expense. The last and least of the items-the forty-seven thou sand franked letters sent to his constituents-cost the Post-Office Department as much as Mr. Gibson's yearly salary, while the pension and war claims put through took out of the public treasury the equivalent of fifty dollars for every family in his district. Mr. Gibson was elected in 1896 by a majority of eighteen thousand over his Democratic opponent, and in 1898 by a majority of six thousand. His waning popularity he doubtless attributes to his failure to secure a big appropriation for the rivers and harbors of the Tennessee mountains. Governor Roosevelt The papers are full of rumors of a proposed endeavor to compel Governor Roosevelt to accept the nomination for Vice-President on the Republican ticket. We hope that whatever attempt may be made in that direction he will frustrate. He is not the man for Vice-President. His chief. qualification for the office is the fact that he would make an honest and capable President in case of the death of his superior. But such a man ought not to be condemned to preside for four years over the deliberations of the United States Senate. We speak of it as being condemned, because to a man of Mr. Roosevelt's active temperament it would be wellnigh unbearable. On the other hand, the Empire State greatly needs him in the Governor's office. This fact is probably the chief reason why in some influential quarters there will be an attempt to keep him out of that office, under the pretense of nominating him for a higher one. Under his administration, if all that reformers would like to see achieved has not been achieved, there have been no backward steps. There have been some reforms and no deforms in legislation. No doubt the rapid-transit measures and the franchise tax bill, which he pressed |