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ARTICLE I.—THE TEMPORAL POWER OF THE POPE.

By George Park Fist r.

Geschichte der Entstehung und Ausbildung des Kirchenstaates. Von SAMUEL SUGENHEIM. Leipzig. 1854.

L'Eglise et La Sociéte Chrétiennes en 1861. Par M. GUIZOT. Quatrième edition. Paris. 1866.

THE great Popes in the middle ages endeavored to realize the splendid, but impracticable, conception of a theocratic empire, which should embrace all Christian nations, and of which the Pope was to be the head. The attempt was made to establish an administration such as would require wisdom, justice, and benevolence, as well as power, in a superhuman measure. The Popes renounce no pretension that has once been made; but the extravagant claims of Hildebrand, Innocent III., and Boniface VIII., are silently dropped-the claim to set up and pull down princes, and to settle international disputes-and the revival of such claims at the present day would only excite ridicule. For several centuries, national interests have been strong enough, in the politics of Europe, to override ecclesias

tical and religious interests. The design of this Article is not to discuss the obsolete claim of the Papacy to a temporal dominion over Christendom, but to touch on the salient points in the history of their own peculiar kingdom in Italy.

I.

On Christmas Day, in the year 800, in the old Basilica of St. Peter at Rome, Pope Leo III. placed the imperial crown on the head of Charlemagne. It was one of those particular events or scenes in which sometimes a great epoch is signalized and presented, as it were, to the eye. It is a landmark bounding the first period in the annals of the Pope's temporal sovereignty.

During the first three centuries, while the Church was a persecuted, but rapidly growing, sect, the Bishop of Rome was steadily acquiring moral influence and hierarchical authority. After Constantine began to take the Church under his patronage-his edict of toleration was issued in 312-and he and his successors not only granted to the Church the right to receive legacies and hold property, but also enriched it by their own offerings, the Roman Bishops were in a position to profit greatly by this new order of things. Gradually they became possessed of extensive estates, not only in Italy, but also in Sicily and Gaul, and even in Africa and Asia. In the time of Gregory the Great (590–604), their annual income from the estates near Marseilles alone amounted to four thousand pieces of gold. It is true that this "patrimony of Peter," as even then it was called, was held by the Pope as a private proprietor or trustee, and not as a sovereign. For example, the Papal lands in Gaul were subject to the king of the country, like the lands of any other proprietor. Yet the control of the Pope over extensive estates would border, in some particulars, upon that of a sovereign, and the rudiments of a secular dominion are properly found in this early relation. The downfall of the Empire left the Roman Pontiff the most important personage in all the West. But during the score of years (from 551 to 568) that followed the conquest of Italy by the generals of Justinian, and preceded the partial overthrow of the Byzantine rule in that country through the Lombards, the coercion exer

cised upon the Popes by the tyrants of Constantinople serves to show how much the Papacy was to be indebted for its growth to the absence of an overshadowing power in its neighborhood.

To the Lombard conquest the Popes owed their secular dominion. That which to them was the greatest terror turned out providentially to be the greatest benefit. This barbarian people, partly Arian and partly pagan in their religion, overran the larger portion of Italy, leaving to the Byzantine Emperor, in middle and northern Italy, besides Rome, and a few other fortified places, a strip of territory along the sea-coast, in which were included Ravenna, the seat of the so-called ExArch, or Governor-General, under the Eastern Empire, and the five cities (Pentapolis), Ancona, Sinigaglia, Fano, Pesaro, and Rimini. The various cities outside of the Exarchate, of which Rome was one, had been placed under subordinate Governors, called Dukes. After the Lombard invasion, the Byzantine rule over the places which had not yielded to the conquerors was little more than a nominal sovereignty. In this time of dire confusion and distress, the Pope became the natural leader and defender, as well as the benefactor, of the people whom the Emperor was unable to protect. When the quarrel broke out between the Pope and Leo the Isaurian, in regard to the worship of images, the Romans warmly sided with their Bishop against the iconoclastic Emperor. They even drove out the Byzantine Duke, who had long possessed only the shadow of power, and would have proclaimed their independence and a Republic, had not the Pope withstood them, his motive being an intense anxiety lest imperial power should fall into the hands of the Lombard King. He naturally chose to keep up a nominal union with the Eastern Empire, which brought no real inconvenience, in preference to falling under the sway of his encroaching, powerful, and heretical neighbor.* It was evident that the Lombard Kings were determined to extend their dominion over Italy. Yet Pope Zacharias, in return for

• See, on this point, Sugenheim's work (the title of which is given above), p. 9, seq. This very thorough monograph throws light on many difficult questions connected with our subject.