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Postscript to the Public.

Stop-I omitted to tell our King one glorious matter,

Merely through modesty pure, and my virgin-like fear of offending;
You, my Public, must know I mean that this worthy Production,
This Magazine of mine was in his Regency founded.
GEORGE THE FIRST declared that he held it a haughty distinction,
To be the monarch at once of NEWTON (Sir Isaac) and LEIBNITZ.
So I should think GEORGE THE FOURTH must feel himself highly delighted
With the idea of having so famous a subject as KIT NORTH!
This is no more than a guess, but is it not likely, my Public!

Postscript the Second.

Counting my lines on my fingers, I find they want six of a hundred,
And 'twere a pitiful thing if I did not make up the number,
Therefore I throw these in for the sake of my millions of readers,
Who might otherwise think me a stingy chap of my hexams:
So I have added them here, and now my reader benignant,
Reckon my lines with care, and you'll find them certainly five score.

C. N.

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BLACKWOOD'S

EDINBURGH MAGAZINE.

No. LXVI.

JULY, 1822.

VOL. XII.

LETTER FROM A PROFESTANT LAYMAN TO CHRISTOPHER NORTH, ESQ.

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ON MR CANNING'S SPEECH, AND ON THE LETTER OF THE
CATHOLIC LAYMAN.

SIR,-Having considered with some attention the great question, whether it is expedient to confer on our Roman Catholic fellow-subjects farther privileges than have been already granted; and as you have already laid my thoughts on the subject before your readers, in the shape of a letter to Lord Nugent, I am tempted to offer you some remarks on the speech of Mr Canning, delivered in the House of Commons on the 30th of April last, on the occasion of moving for leave to bring in a Bill to restore the Catholic Peers to their seats in Parliament, which speech has been recently presented to the public.

The talents and character of Mr Canning, the friend of Mr Pitt, and the zealous defender of the Constitution against the attempts of Radical Reformers, entitle him to a high degree of respect, which, I trust, I shall not trench upon whilst I freely state the difference between my sentiments and his on the question before us. I am conscious that no unworthy motive disposes me to contravene his liberality towards persons of that religion, and I am as well satisfied that his intentions are guided by the best principles.

Before I proceed to examine the arguments he employs, it may be proper

to take a succinct view of the whole of his speech.

He begins by noticing certain preliminary objections, which had been made within and without the walls of the House of Commons, applicable rather to the form than to the principle of his proposition. The first is, that there is something insidious in thus obtaining a partial decision on the gcneral Catholic question. The second, that the separation of one class of the Catholic community from the rest, is a prejudice to the whole. These two objections, Mr C. observes, counteract each other, that all discussion is an advantage to the general question, but that no unfair advantage is gained by setting the case free from complicated matter, as is done in the present instance ; no data being here assumed, nor do the arguments soar into the regions of abstract principle, but are confined to law and fact. Those who think the question too much narrowed, must, he thinks, "lament the removal of so many disabilities, under which the Roman Catholic has long ceased to groan. How must they regret that, from an early period of the late reign up to the present time, so many of the most galling fetters have gradually been taken off, and leave little more than the mark of them now visible!

Corrected Report of the Speech of the Right Honourable George Canning, in the House of Commons, 30th April, 1822, in moving for leave to bring in a Bill to restore to Roman Catholic Peers their right of sitting and voting in Parliament. 8vo. London, Murray, 1822.

VOL. XII.

A

How must they regret the act of 1778, which restored to the Roman Catholics the right of property; the act of 1791, which removed many vexatious disabilities, with respect to the exercise of religion, to professions, to civil, and, in several important instances, political rights! How must they deplore the act of 1793, which gave to the Irish Roman Catholics, in many instances, advisedly, distinctly, specifically, in all more remotely, and by sure implication-political power and consequences in giving them the elective franchise! How must their sorrow have been increased by the measure which, five years ago, silently opened the army and the navy to Catholic enterprize, bravery, and ambition!" Mr C. rejoices that these privations are removed, though the relief takes away the ground-work of much impressive eloquence. Another objection coupled with this last is, that the noble persons interested have some disinclination to the introduction, because it does not include all those connected with them in the same religion. He denies having any special commission to be their advocate, and asserts that he undertakes the cause merely on principles of state policy and national benefit; it is, however, untrue that the Catholic Lords have any disinclination to his plan, and he cites the Duke of Norfolk's authority to this effect; but he assures the House that the proposition is spontaneous on his part, without receiving any suggestion from any of those Peers. Another objection is, that there is an impropriety in originating in the House of Commons, a measure which concerns exclusively the rights of the House of Peers. This is completely overturned by precedents; as the very act, the operation of which is now proposed to be corrected, originated in the House of Commons; and also, that of the 5th of Elizabeth, which recognized the right of Peers to hold their seats unquestioned, and undisqualified on account of religious opinions. The act, too, which was brought in by Mr Mitford, (now Lord Redesdale,) in 1791, entirely regarded the House of Peers. It has likewise been remarked, that a proposition for reforming the House of Lords, comes with an ill grace from an adversary to reform in the House of Commons. Mr C., however, contends, that his great objection to schemes of

reform is, that they have always been loose and undefined ;-he aims not at reconstructing the House of Lords, but to bring it back to the state in which it formerly existed, and he points out the precise period of its existence to which he would restore it, viz. the 30th of November 1678, on which day the Royal Assent was given to the Act, by which Roman Catholic Peers were excluded. "The princi ple of my measure," says he, is not innovation, but restoration; and if further questioned as to the extent to which this restoration would go, I reply,-to the immediate admission of six English Catholic Peers, and by possibility, at some future time, to the admission of about the same number of Irish." He proceeds to state," But I will go farther: I will shew that not only my measure is not innovation, but restoration, but that it is a restoration founded upon principles of the strictest justice. I will shew that it restores rights, the suspension of which arose from causes which no longer exist, and was justified on pretences, which were never true." Mr C. divides the legislation affecting the Catholics into three periods;-1st, From the reign of Elizabeth to the Restoration;-2d, From Charles II. to the Revolution ;-3d, From that time to the reign of George III., the auspicious era of the relaxation of the penal code. He very fairly justifies the precautions and the severities of Queen Elizabeth, on account of "the disquietude of one religion not altogether put down, and the instability of another not wholly established; and by those frequent plots against her crown and life, which were instigated by the influence of foreign politics, and connected an opposition to her belief, with a refusal of allegiance to her authority. The security of Elizabeth's throne was identified with the security of the Reformed Religion." In the third period, Mr C. observes that the circumstances of King William inclined his advisers rather to discountenance the religion of the exiled monarch, than to do away laws enacted against the Roman Catholics; and he supposes that some design might have existed of driving the Catholics of England to expatriation, though by a less violent process than that which some years before had driven out the Protestants from France, bythe Revocation of the Edict of Nantes.

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