Europe, and the light of day once more falls upon the antique characters traced by Ninus, Sardanapalus, or Nabopolassar! . . . . . The books which Moses began, not less ancient than these Assyrian inscriptions, possess, we may be sure, more vitality than they; and future ages, by giving to Europe religious liberty, will realize the mighty plan which Cromwell could not accomplish.

CHAPTER XIII.

THE KINGSHIP.

New Parliament-Ludlow-The Protector's Speech-Exclusions-Proposals about the Kingship-Discussions on this Subject between the Parliament and the Protector-Struggles-Cromwell's Refusal-Was he right ?-His character-Ambition.

THE Protector could not perform all these various tasks without difficulty. Notwithstanding the religious liberty he gave to England at home, and the glory with which he encircled her name abroad, the strict republicans were discontented, and often told him to his face that his government was illegitimate, and that they and their friends had not been lavish of their blood for the purpose of enthroning anew the power of one man.

In 1656, he determined to call a new Parliament. This was necessary for the approval of hostilities with Spain, and for obtaining the needful supplies. But he feared that the republicans, who were determined to oppose everything, would vote against this war-a war so glorious in his eyes and so advantageous to England. He accordingly sent for Major-general Ludlow, the leader of this party, and required him to give security not to act against the present government. Ludlow answered, "I desire to have the nation governed by its own consent.' -"And so do I," replied Oliver; "but where shall we find that consent; among the prelatical, presbyterian, independent, anabaptist, or levelling parties?" "Among those of all sorts," rejoined the other, "who have acted with fidelity and affection to the public." The

Protector feeling convinced that Ludlow was for throwing England again into confusion, said to him: "All men now enjoy as much liberty and protection as they can desire; and I am resolved to keep the nation from being imbrued again in blood. I desire not," he continued, "to put any more hardships upon you than upon myself; nor do I aim at anything by this proceeding but the public quiet and security. As to my own circumstances in the world, I have not much improved them, as these gentlemen (pointing to his council) well know." All that he said was strictly true. After a revolutionary storm, liberty exists most of all in order; and to possess order there must be strength.

When the Parliament met according to appointment on the 17th of September, 1656, Dr. Owen, vice-chancellor of Oxford, preached a sermon before them in Westminster Abbey, from the text : What shall one then answer the messengers of the nation? that the Lord hath founded Zion, and the poor of His people shall trust in it (Isaiah xiv. 32). It was not only the poor of her own people, but the poor of other nations that trusted in the protection of England. Voices might be heard from the shores of France and from the lofty valleys of the Alps, replying to this sermon: "Yea, verily, Amen!"

The members having adjourned to the Painted Chamber, the Protector took off his hat and delivered one of the noblest, most sensible, energetic, and religious speeches ever uttered by a statesman. After touching in succession upon Spain, the Papists, the Levellers, the equality of all sects, on the reformation of morals, and on the necessity of prompt and extraordinary remedies for sudden and extraordinary maladies, he concluded in the.following words:

"Therefore I beseech you in the name of God, set your hearts to this work. And if you set your hearts to it, then you will sing Luther's Psalm (Ps. xlvi). That is a rare Psalm for a Christian!-and if he set his heart open, and

* Neale, ii. 658.

can approve it to God, we shall hear him say: God is our refuge and strength, a very present help in time of trouble. If Pope and Spaniard, and Devil and all set themselves against us, though they should compass us like bees, as it is in the hundred and eighteenth Psalm,-yet in the name of the Lord we should destroy them! And, as it is in this Psalm of Luther's, We will not fear, though the earth be removed, and though the mountains be carried into the middle of the sea; though the waters thereof roar and be troubled; though the mountains shake with the swelling thereof. There is a river, the streams whereof shall make glad the city of God. God is in the midst of her; she shall not be moved. Then the Psalmist repeats two or three times, The Lord of Host is with us; the God of Jacob is our refuge."

Cromwell did well in thus recalling Luther to mind. We fancy we can hear the reformer in the castle of Coburg during the Diet of Augsburg in 1530. In political views there was the most marked distinction between these two great men; but in more essential things, and in their opposition to the papacy, modern history does not present us with two more similar minds.

bless you

"I have done," continues Oliver. "All I have to say is, To pray God that He may with His presence; that He who hath your hearts and mine would show His presence in the midst of us.—I desire you will go together, and choose your Speaker."*

The Protector, remembering what had happened before, and how easy it was for a few minds, unfriendly to order, to disturb the state, was resolved to take such measures as he judged best to prevent the Parliament from thwarting his views and checking the prosperity and glory of England. To this end he had recourse to a step which in our days would excite a just astonishment. A guard was placed at the door of the house, and no one was allowed to enter with

* Burton's Diary, i. 158. Letters and Speeches, iii. 238.

out a certificate from the council. By this means about a hundred members were excluded.

Oliver's penetration was unequalled: his sagacity and knowledge of mankind were most remarkable. If there was a man in England who excelled in any faculty or science, he found him out, and rewarded him according to his merit. But he also knew his private enemies and those of the public prosperity, and his firm hand either put them aside or kept them down. This he showed in the case in question. He consented, however, to give a pledge for the freedom of the national representation. It was agreed that for the future no member should be excluded from parliament except by a vote of the house. The war with Spain was approved of, and supplies to the amount of £400,000 were voted to carry it on.

If we allow, as we are bound to do, that the measure employed by Cromwell was inconsistent with the freedom of parliament and with the principles of constitutional government, we must also ackowledge that these stretches of power were at that time necessary to the stability of his authority, and that without these somewhat despotic acts, the nation would inevitably have been again involved in war and confusion. Above all, we should remember that the necessary check upon representative governments-an upper house-no longer existed in England. The right, therefore, which he claimed of rejecting a portion of the representatives, must in his mind have been intended to supply the want of a House of Lords. There was, therefore, a constitutional element in this measure of exclusion.

The beginning of the year 1657 nearly realized the gloomy foresight of Cromwell. One of the chief levellers, Quartermaster Sindercombe, after several ineffectual attempts at assassination, endeavored to set fire to Whitehall. He was apprehended, but eluded his punishment by taking poison. Parliament went in a body to offer their congratulations to