It is natural to afcribe this circumftance, in fome measure, to the difcovery of America, and the great increafe of fpecie in confequence of that event; and it is not to be doubted, that fuch an increafe must have enabled modern nations to pay with greater fa cility, the demands of their respective governments.'

Our author himfelf corrects this mistake in page 139, when he fays, " After the difcovery of America, fpecie "became every day more plentiful in every part of Europe. And the confequence was, fuch an addition to the price of all commodities, as rendered the fame reve"nue much lefs efficient than formerly."

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Mr. Sinclair, if the prefent publication fhould meet with a favourable reception, propofes to attempt a third part, containing a hiftory of the progrefs of the national revenue together with fome obfervations on its present state -An historical account of the progrefs of our national expences-Obfervations on the refources of the nationAn analysis of our public debts, and an inquiry into the real nature and amount of the burthen-A plan for reeftablishing the public credit and finances of the country; together with fome account of the progrefs and prefent ftate of the revenue of Scotland and Ireland.

ART. XI. The Crifis; or immediate Concernments of the Britiff Empire. Dilly. 1s. 6d. 1785.

THE juvenile author of this collection of political maxims and obfervations, makes an excurfion over the world without regard to any method in his progrefs. He is not unaquainted with hiftory, nor the nature and actual state of commerce. In the empaffioned, bouncing, and almost bombaft ftile of fome French writers on politics he delivers many truths which are not the lefs important indeed for being obvious; but which are generally known to every perfon who attends at all to what has paffed or is now paffing in the world. "We mean not, fays this writer to collect the principles of political life merely within the heart of the empire, but to diffuse them over its moft diftant members. For to prove ferviceable to mankind, is a condition of our nature, which is coeval with our birth, and terminates but with our existence. It is a national duty. It is an univerfal debt. It is a godlike occupation, in which the divinity hath instructed us." Thus the author of the Crifis in his outfet; and in his conclufion, he expreffes himself in this manner.

Thus have we laboured for the good of mankind. To whofe benefit and ufe, intelligence was confecrated by the divinity himself, If our ardour hath been high, we plead youth: if our zeal hath been exceffive; judges! before whofe tribunal we bow, your happiness

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was our object: we fubmit ourselves to your reproach. Our course hath been though an extenfive horizon, and we have not been able to reit, but merely to touch, on the fummit of objects. Some more powerful and comprehenfive minds may explore more deeply, and work out accomplished ends from thofe and fuch other weak beginners. For it is from streams that the ocean derives its depth; it is from minute particles that mountains rife into magnificence; from atoms, that the univerfe collects its greatness.

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The reader would doubtlefs form no high idea of the body of the work from fuch an introduction and fuch a peroration. Yet are there in the Crifis, amidft much vanity and bombaft, very many just obfervations delivered in a very fprightly

manner.

"Britain fhould confider that fhips bring in men and money, advancing population and increafing circulation whereas fortified walls require men and money, wafte both, and confume provifions: yet the latter is the abfurd fyftem of the day money is not wealth to Britain, it is but the fign of that reality which is conftituted by agriculture and manufactures: and in a commercial nation, this fign, without the reality, is a symptom of death." There is profound Truth in this lively obfervation, our young author was led to make it from reflecting on the Eaft India Trade; a trade whofe principles are cruelty, fraud, and cunning.

When virtue and honour are facrificed for the acquifition of wealth in order to fupport prodigality, or to indulge in diffipation. When foldiers become merchants, relinquishing the principles of war for fyftems of cruelty and avarice. When the honour of their prófeffion is humbled by thofe who fhould maintain it, and all its glory is bartered for gold. Through the medium of this commerce, does luxury breathe its baneful influence on us. Like whirlwinds that rifle one place, and raife heaps in another, fortunes are as quickly collected in the east, and as quickly diffipated in Europe. Thofe important plunderers corrupt us with luxury and cruelty. Example abforbs the rich within licentioufnefs, and encourages the defperate to rapacioufnefs. For there is the refort of the defperate, and the unprincipled part of mankind; who having accumulated treafure, and standing indebted to their vices for their acquifitions, return, as avenging peftilences fent to blaft the nation, that protects them in their fins.'

This young man wants not either genius, or reading, or obfervation. In what then is he deficient? In that pure and manly ftyle which is ufually formed only by a claffical edueation, and the corrections of just criticifm.

ART. XII. A Reply to the Treafury Pamphlet, Entitled "The Propofed System of Ireland explained." London, 25. Debret, 1785. Tis the opinion of the fpirited and well informed author of this publication that administration endeavours to fix the imputation of faction on all oppofition to their mea

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fures

fures, and in this manner to get rid of the neceffity of anfwering the objections of their adverfaries. public voice, in oppofition to the

But the Commercial Regulations" becanie too loud to be flighted with fafety; it therefore was neceffary to give fome more plaufible anfwer to the objections that multiplied from every quarter, than that they only exifted in the clamours and inflammatory publications of factious incendiaries, whofe only object was to throw difficulties in the way of government. But our au thor however affirms, that they have only advanced one ftep farther in their own way. Under the pretext of informing, they are trying, he fays, to mislead and deceive.

It must be owned that he has in many inftances exposed the futility of the reasoning in the pamphlet he diffects: and predicts with too much appearance of probability many bad confequences from that commercial fyftem which it is its object to vindicate.

The author of the pamphlet attempts to prove the neceffity, the juftice, and the fairness of the new arrangements. To prove these he pleads the independence of Ireland. If reduced into form, fays the author of the reply, his reafoning would ftand thus.

Ireland is independent, therefore it is neceffary, just, and fair, that the British market fhould be thrown open to her, free and without referve, and that the fhould feed our confumption as well with our own colonial productions and foreign commodities, as with all articles of her own growth, product, and manufacture. Either the introduction of the independence of Ireland into the question means this, or it means nothing-But if independence in itself constitutes a claim to the right, why is not every other independent kingdom to apply for it? Is it becaufe Ireland, as the author pretends, notwithtanding this independence, voluntarily reftrains herself in many inftances in favour of Great-Britain? But fo do other independent nations-fo would any nation with whom we might form a commercial treaty, and ftipulate a preference for articles of our importation in return for other commercial advantages granted on our part. The independence of Ireland, therefore, having nothing to do with the argument, could only have been dragged in for party purposes, that this zealous friend of Ireland might have an opportunity of cafting a reflection on the administration that ratified this independence.'

Speaking of the pofitions and inferences which the author of the treafury pamphlet urges in proof of the charge which he infinuates against Lord North, of having rendered the prefent arrangement neceffary and unavoidable, he fays,

Taking the argument on the ground that Mr. Orde, and the Minifters choose to place it in Ireland, and eftimating the boon at its real value, the reafoning will be this: You have given me "much; I have therefore a right to your giving me more. You

have given me a great deal; it therefore follows that you should "give me all."

The author of the pamphlet acknowledges, that in the mixed woollens, Ireland has already made great advances towards a competition with this country. But this the author affures us, is of no great confequence, as it is a lefs valuable branch of the trade than the manufacture of the finer cloths. By lefs valuable as he tells us, he means that one cofts fourteen fhillings a yard, the other only two fhillings and fix-pence. By this rule, as our author justly obferves in a note, the manufacture of fine woollen cloth is more valuable to Ireland than her linens, as the gets twelve fillings a yard for the one, and in general, but from two fhillings to five fhillings for the other.

On the fyftem of trade intended to be eftablished between Great-Britain and Ireland, our author among a great variety of others makes the following important obferva

tions.

While a dangerous competition is thus to be encouraged in the home markets, effectual care has been taken by the negociators from Ireland, that we fhould not indemnify ourfelves, by opening any fresh vent for our woollens in the markets abroad. Germany, who has no other return to make for our woollen cloths, but her linens, and who has ever been defirous to encourage, this and every other British manufacture, on terms of reciprocity, is by the provifions of the new regulations to be for ever poftponed to Ireland. No offer on her part, however tempting or advantageous to our intereft, can be received by us; the Irish linens are to continue duty free for ever, and an effectual preference is to be fecured to them over the linens of every other country.

Ruffia, whofe partiality to the British intereft and British manufactures held out fuch profpects of commercial advantages to this country, has been already compelled, by our impolitic regulations in favour of Irish linens, to lay oppreffive impofts upon feveral of our most valuable articles of export. This difadvantage, which might have been only temporary, the intended fyftem is to render perpetual.

What is here obferved, respecting the woollen and linen manufactures, is equally applicable to every article of our commerce with foreign ftates. The confequences of the ninth refolution extend to them all, and must prove as humiliating to our independence, as they will be deftructive to our interefts. From the mo-. ment we bind ourfelves to the terms of this agreement, we cannot ftipulate a single advantage in the market of any other nation; we cannot form a treaty of commerce with any other ftate; we cannot provide for our revenue, by laying the fmalleft duty on any article of future importation, without previoufly confulting the Par liament of Ireland. In fhort, we are to fubmit to an adoption of a new Poyning's law, and to wear the fame fhackles on our commercial independence, which Ireland fo long wore in her legiflative ca ENG. REV. 1785.

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pacity.

pacity. This the author and his friends may fay is reciprocity; but of this, or of any of the great points to which thefe reflections lead, he takes not the fmalleft notice. Indeed, this is but one of the numberless proofs he gives of his pamphlet's being the production, not of any person who has any intereft in protecting the trade, or any duty in defending the revenue of Great-Britain, but of fome advo cate for the claims of Ireland, who is to keep out of fight whatever may operate against the fide on which he is to argue.

From thefe extracts our readers will readily conclude, with our author, that there may be other reafons for calling in queftion the conduct of ministers, than thofe of clamour and faction.

ART. XIII. A Plan for finally fettling the Government of Ireland upon Conftitutional Principles: And the chief caufe of the unprofperous State of that Country explained. Stockdale is. 6d. 1785.

THE

HE author of this plan, who is a perfon of extenfive information, having given a concife hiftory of the connection between Great-Britain and Ireland, obferves that a new compact ought to be made and established between them as foon as poffible. The three great objects of this compact, or conftitutional connection between the two kingdoms, are, an equality of interefts, an equality of privileges, and an unity of power. The two firft of thefe objects he thinks already in a great measure provided for; but the unity of power, or unity of defence with Great-Britain remains unfettled. As this implies the obligations that Ireland is under in common with Great Britain, to take upon her a propor tionable share of the public burthens, he proposes a plan by which, on the most conftitutional principles, Ireland may acquit herself of those obligations without one farthing of additional expence in the aggregate; nay, by making an annual faving of 100,000l. which is now drawn out of the country. The most constitutional fupply, he thinks, that Ireland can yield to the common defence of the empire, and likewife the most advantageous to herself, is, a land-tax, to be rated always according to the rate of the land-tax of England, and never to be expended out of the kingdom.

As the modern British Conftitution differs effentially from the ancient, that difference muft neceffarily be adverted to in forming the new Conftitution between the two nations; and when adverted to, points out in the plaincft manner, and with the strongest evidence, to the proper confiitutional tye, which would leave the two legiflatures diftinct, where they ought to be diftinct, and unite them where they ought to be united. The Parliament of Ireland allows to the Parliament of Great Britain a fupremacy in one point, namely, that the perfon whom the Parliament of Great Britain acknowledges