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possibility of future international complications which it is the function of Imperial statesmanship to foresee.
The armed force of Canada consists of a permanent force which, under the Canadian Militia Act, may be raised to 5,000, but which at present only numbers some 2,000, and an Active Militia of about 38,000 officers and men.1 The permanent force always remains under arms; the Active Militia are only called out for sixteen days' training in the year. So large a permanent force as 5,000 is undesirable, and would not be necessary if Canadians would recognise the duty of personal service, and submit to compulsory military training in the Active Militia. The conditions of life in Canada do not favour the maintenance of a standing army which cannot be recruited locally and will have to be filled with mercenaries. Sir Frederick Borden, the Minister of Defence, has more than once spoken publicly in favour of universal Militia service; but his views have only met with cold support from his colleagues and in the country. Canada pays nearly £1,100,000 per annum for its military force of 40,000 men and 100 guns. For a smaller annual cost Switzerland can put in the field nearly 300,000 trained militiamen, with 360 guns. The Swiss system is favoured by many thoughtful Canadians, and seems specially adapted to the needs of the country.
1 The actual establishments fixed for the current year were permanent force 4,677, and militia 44,801.
The military organization of the Canadian forces is on the plan of that lately adopted at home. There is a Militia Council, composed of the Minister of Defence as President, the Deputy Minister as Vice-President, four military members who hold offices corresponding to those held by the military members of the Army Council, and one finance member. After Lord Dundonald's resignation the office of Commander-in-Chief was abolished, and General Lake, who was sent out to succeed him, occupies the post of Chief of the General Staff and First Military Member of the Council. The other military members of the Council belong to the Canadian forces. Outside the Militia Council is an Inspector-General with three assistants, their functions being similar to those of the inspectorate staff at home. The territory of the Dominion is divided into six army commands, which are organized as under:
Western Ontario (Military Districts 1 and 2). Headquarters, Toronto.
Eastern Ontario (Military Districts 3 and 4). Headquarters, Kingston.
Quebec (Military Districts 5, 6, and 7). Headquarters, Montreal.
Maritime Provinces (Military Districts 8, 9, and 12). Headquarters, Halifax.
North-West Provinces (Military District 10). Headquarters, Winnipeg.
British Columbia and Yukon (Military District 11). Headquarters, Victoria.
Each of these army commands has a member of the permanent force as commander, with a quota of troops belonging to that force, and the Active Militia corps belonging to the districts included in the command. Most of the troops are concentrated in the populous districts of Ontario, Quebec, New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia, not for strategical reasons, but for the convenience of the personnel. In the North-West Provinces and in British Columbia there are very few organized bodies of troops. Winnipeg and Victoria are headquarter points for concentration, but between these two centres, which are nearly 2,000 miles apart, no organized defence of the frontier can be said to exist.
The Canadian Pacific Railway has the strategical defect of running for nearly its whole length close to the international frontier. To provide for the effective defence of this line of railway, 3,000 miles long, would, under existing conditions, be an impossible task. As matters now stand, in the event of hostilities with the United States, the line could be raided with impunity at almost any point of its course west of Winnipeg. The duplication of communications by means of the Grand Trunk Railway will improve a situation which for the time being is entirely at the mercy of the United States; but even this line will not be safe from attack unless steps are taken, as the population increases and resources become developed, to insure its security by precautionary military measures.
The question is often asked as to whether dependence can be placed on the loyalty of the French population of Canada in an Imperial emergency. The census of 1901 assessed the number of French Canadians at 1,649,371, of whom 80 per cent. were concentrated in the province of Quebec. The French, therefore, number about 30 per cent. of the whole population of the Dominion, and if their loyalty was doubtful, the presence of so large an alien population in a British colony would be a factor of uneasiness. Happily there is complete contentment among all French Canadians with the political conditions of their existence. The Constitution is based on the Quebec Act of 1774, an Imperial Act of Parliament, which is regarded as the Magna Charta of French Canadian liberty, inasmuch as it conceded large powers of selfgovernment, which have since been fully developed, while it recognised the free practice of Catholic worship and the rights of denominational Catholic education. It is true there is no race assimilation between French and English colonists either in the province of Quebec or elsewhere in Canada; but it is equally true there is no racial rivalry. The French - born Canadian of the eastern provinces can hardly be expected to share the growing Imperial sentiment of the stalwart British colonist of the west; but his loyalty to his Canadian nationality is unquestionable, and any attempt to bring Canada into the United States fold either by the process of peaceful absorption,
or by coercion, would be resisted by the French Canadian as strongly as by his fellow-subjects in British Columbia. While in Quebec, the writer had opportunities of verifying the above statements by conversations with French Canadians, chief among whom it may be permitted to mention His Honour Sir Louis Jetté, who fills his high office as Lieutenant-Governor of the province of Quebec with a dignity and consideration which are the hereditary characteristics of Legitimist descent.
While the people of Canada are not wanting in individual military spirit—there are 426 rifle associations and 146 cadet corps in the country-they have little collective sense of duty in regard to the necessities of defence. This apathetic condition of public opinion is owing to the knowledge that there has been no threat of attack since the last war with America in 1812-1814. While Canada was poor and struggling she required no help from the Tenth Commandment. Growing wealth and prosperity are changing the conditions of her existence. Crescentem sequitur cura pecuniam. Patriotic Canadians rightly resent the idea of absorption, but they must not neglect to provide against coercion. A country with great aspirations ought not to remain dependent on the goodwill of a powerful neighbour. The silver streak of sea saves England from conscription; but the defence of a land frontier is only possible with the aid of a local conscript army organized on the basis of universal militia service. No statesman more loyal to the Empire