Images de page
PDF
ePub

pediment were removed, the noble author appears to believe that the peace of the Christian church might easily be restored.

For neither of the churches believe, that there is no doctrine in either which may not be better explained, and that there are not many other particulars, both in discipline and practice, which may not be altered or departed from, for the satisfaction of such a considerable body of good christians as would thereby be reconciled to one congregation, and one communion. And this would easily be done, if sovereign princes would vindicate their own authority and supreme jurisdiction; and, by national councils, take care for the settling all matters pertaining to the church in their own dominions, which, by correspondence with the like national councils under the neighbouring princes will, without any difficulty, sever what is of the essence of religion from what may in the practice of it be permitted,' &c. p. 680.

An ignorant reader would hardly suppose, that the writer of these words, which are so full of moderation and conciliation, had contributed, in a very eminent degree, perhaps in a greater degree than any other man who ever existed, to the perpetuation of the bitterest animosities among Christians, who were subjects of the same prince, and who acknowledged that their differences of opinion did not extend to articles of faith, and the essentials of religion. The real fact is, that Lord Clarendon, notwithstanding his animosity against the Pope, had no dislike to the Roman Catholic religion in general; and perhaps was more desirous of weakening than of strengthening the Protestant interest, as it is called, in the general affairs of Europe. Such feelings naturally arise out of the principles of the Laudian school, in which he had been educated. It is one of the leading tenets of that school, that those points in which the Church of England agrees with the Church of Rome, and differs from the foreign Protestant Churches, are more essential to true Christianity, than those in which all Protestant Churches, including the Church of England, are united against the Church of Rome. In other words, a Roman Catholics, upon the whole, a better Christian than a Presbyterian. We cannot give a stronger example of Lord Clarendon's Laudianism, than the manner in which he mentions the great Gustavus Adolphus in the following sentence.

The blackest action, and surely the least apostolical, that unhappy Pope (Urban VIII.) was guilty of, was, that when the victorious King of Sweden, of whom the world had scarce ever heard before,

VOL. XIX. NO. 38.

G g

See Lord Clarendon's observations on the unhappy policy of ⚫ making concessions to the Dissenters,' in the continuation of his Life, p. 148. Fol.

before, had covered all Germany with blood and slaughter, and by fire and sword wrought a greater devastation, almost to desolation, than hath ever been produced amongst Christians by a war between them: This successor of St Peter, whose office and peculiar obligation they pretend is to root out all heretics, and by right or wrong to remove all obstructions which hinder the growth or improvement of Catholic religion, refused to give the Emperor and Catholic party any assistance in money, of which he was known to have abundance, and the other to want nothing else. ' *

p. 555.

When it is considered, how little success has attended every attempt to unite any two Protestant sects, we cannot accede to Lord Clarendon's supposition, that the downfal of the Pope would contribute materially to the reconciliation of Protestants and Catholics, who differ in opinion upon so many points of the highest importance. The correspondence between Wake and Dupin, part of which is printed at the end of Maclaine's translation of Mosheim's Ecclesiastical History, sufficiently demonstrates, that the most lukewarm Catholics will never consent to abandon all the distinguishing tenets of their religion, however strongly they may be inclined to break with the court of Rome.

The mention of national councils in a passage which we have lately quoted, and a paragraph in the concluding chapter of the book, entitled on the margin, National Councils the best Conserv ators of Christian Religion, prove that Lord Clarendon entertained a higher opinion of the prudence and moderation of those assemblies, than experience appears to justify. The synod of Dordrecht, the national synods of the French Protestants, and the factious convocations in the reign of Queen Anne, show how little such meetings contribute to the peace either of the Church or of the State. National councils of the established religion seem to be entirely laid aside in every Christian country, in which the power of calling them, or, at least, of preventing them from being held, is possessed by the Sovereign. Catholic princes, in particular, have generally found the Pope to be more tractable and manageable than a synod composed of their own subjects.

Whatever

* The Popes have seldom been particularly well inclined to give assistance to their friends in hard cash. Like the infernal deities in Æschylus, Λαβεῖν ἀμείνους εἰσὶν ἢ μεθιέναι. There is, indeed, a kind of paper money, called Indulgences, which was formerly in great repute, and of which the Popes, to do them justice, have never been niggardly. The credit of this currency, however, was so much shaken by a kind of Bullion Committee, of which one Martin Luther was chairman, that there has been very little demand for it during the two last centuries.

Whatever ill effect may arise from the conflict of ecclesiastical and secular jurisdiction, in countries in which the authority of the Pope is recognized by law, we are unable to perceive that any considerable inconvenience results from that authority, in countries where it has no legal existence,-except the tendency which it undoubtedly has, to prevent the Catholic inhabitants of Protestant countries from adopting the religion of the State. Perhaps it may be said, that the power of the Pope is dangerous to Protestant sovereigns, from its tendency to excite revolt among his Catholic subjects. This objection deserves to be se riously considered.

No person can be weak and timorous enough to suppose, that the Pope will ever excite Catholics to rebel against a Protestant sovereign, unless he is of opinion, that there is a considerable probability that the rebellion will be crowned with success. Nor will such Catholics, admitting them to be as devoted to the court of Rome as the Jesuits were, listen to the voice of their chief pastor, unless they are convinced that they are likely to derive' advantage from following his advice. In every country where the Catholics know that they form so small and inconsiderable a body, as to render resistance to the government perfectly hopeless, it is both their interest and their inclination to recommend themselves to the State, and to their fellow-citizens, by their peaceable and loyal demeanour. As we do not ascribe any merit to this conduct in such circumstances, perhaps we may be allowed to say, that the English Catholics have given little or no cause of complaint to the government for the last two hundred years. The most lion-hearted Popes know very well how to assume the meekness of lambs on proper occasions.

On the other hand, in countries where the Catholics form so large and powerful a body, as to afford the prospect of successful resistance to the government, we are willing to admit, that the Pope will not be remiss in instigating them to try the experiment. This admission may appear at first sight to be fatal to our cause; but we strenuously maintain, that, in such circumstances, the conduct of all sects always has been, and always will be, nearly the same. We except those sects, the members of which, from any cause, happen to be destitute of personal courage. The patience of the Greek Christians, for instance, under the yoke of the Mahometans, must not be ascribed to the purity of their religious principles, but to the levity and cowardice which have been inherent in them for so many ages. In every country which has an established religion, the honours and advantages which arise from the establishment, are the na. tural property of the strongest sect, which, it must be remem

Gg 2

bered,

bered, is not always the most numerous. Superiority of strength is the only real security which the established church of every country has for the maintenance of her preeminence. If that superiority be lost, she may entrench herself in parchment to the teeth,' but the Dissenters will find the proper way to attack her. As soon as a religious party, which has been depressed, discovers that, from the continual fluctuation of human opinions, and from the change of other circumstances, it has gained so great an accession of strength and popularity, as to enable it to cope with the established religion, it will either break out at once into open rebellion, or will begin by making a formal demand that the prerogatives of the establishment be transferred, either entirely or in part, to itself. If the government does not think proper to accede to this demand, a civil war ensues; and the question is ultimately decided by the sword.

On these occasions, oaths of allegiance, declarations of loy alty, and protestations of nonresistance, are never regarded by large bodies of men, whose passions are inflamed; nor does any wise government ever place the smallest reliance upon such frail securities. * If any man supposes that, in this respect, there is any practical difference between the principles of Catholics and those of Protestants, he must have derived his knowledge of these principles, not from a cool and attentive observation of the conduct which results from them, but from the partial and passionate declamations of Catholics against Protestants, or of Protestants against Catholics. Even those declaimers of the latter class, who frighten us with the bulls and dispensations of the Pope, do not scruple, when they are off their guard, to acknowledge, that all sects are equally regardless of political oaths, when it suits their purpose to break them. The following interrogations are proposed by Mr Le Mesurier.

[ocr errors]

Did ever in fact any statesman, reasoning upon what sort of persons were fit to be admitted to offices, lay any stress upon the oath of allegiance? Did it ever come into the contemplation of worldly politicians? Did it ever stop any man who was not restrained by other considerations?' Sequel, &c. p. 60.

With the exception of a few pious and conscientious persons, Jike some of the English Nonjurors, we reply to the last ques tion, Certainly not. The great body of the Jacobites, who were as good Protestants as Mr Le Mesurier himself, took, without hesitation, every oath which the ingenuity of the government could devise; and were certainly restrained by no other consideration

* Some excellent observations on the futility of political oaths, written by Speaker Onslow, may be seen in Coxe's Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole.

deration than the fear of the gallows, from violating these oaths on the first opportunity.

As to instigation to rebellion, it will never be wanting, when the people are prepared to receive it, in any country which contains fanatical priests and discontented robles. Among the former order, we beg leave to distinguish a very reverend person, John Knox by name, from whom the most experienced Jesuit might have taken lessons in the art of preaching sedition. Indeed, domestic professors of this art will always be more skil ful and more successful than foreign interlopers. The emissaries of the court of Rome generally perplex and embroil the transactions with which they meddle, by their endeavours to sacrifice the general interest of the Catholic cause to the private advantage of their master. Whoever is acquainted with the his tory of Innocent X. and Rinaccini, will probably acknowledge, that the friends of the Protestant interest in Ireland have no reason to regret the direct interposition of the Pope in the af fairs of that country.

From the preceding considerations arises a question of the greatest practical importance, on which it is not our intention at present to enlarge:-What are the best means of preventing a weak sect from acquiring strength, and a strong sect from subverting the established religion? The ancient specific of persecution being fallen into disrepute, exclusion from political power, that is to say, from offices under government, is now almost the only medicine which the doctor recommends. We have great doubts of the efficacy of this remedy. It may, indeed, diminish in a small degree the power of the patient to do mischief; but if it increases, in a much greater degree, his propensity to innovation, which we believe to be the case, it is evident that more is lost than is gained by the use, or, in the language of the Faculty, by the exhibition of it.

It appears to be part of Lord Clarendon's plan, that the Engfish Catholics shall not only renounce the authority of the Pope, but that they shall entrust the King with the appointment of their ecclesiastical superiors. After urging the necessity of banishing the Jesuits, he continues as follows.

Whereas other ecclesiastical orders, at least particular persons the secular and regular clergy, the Jesuits excepted, may be easily found out, who are of peaceable and quiet dispositions, who will give that security to the state for their obedience which can be desired, and renounce any other dependence upon any superior, but such as the King shall appoint to govern over them." p. 6.

This paragraph affords a striking specimen of the alteration which has taken place in the opinions of Englishmen on the subject of religious liberty since the reign of Charles II. At

present,

« PrécédentContinuer »