1780.

66

THE ARMED NEUTRALITY."

45

of saying, "is my child;"* and as such she was eager to protect it. She was already preparing some retaliatory measures against Spain, when the event of the 1st of January enabled her Minister Count Panin, an enemy of England, to give a more general scope to her resentments. On the 26th of February, she issued her famous Declaration to the Belligerent Courts, asserting in the strongest terms the maxims, that free ships make free goods; that contraband articles are only such as a treaty stipulates; and that blockades to be acknowledged must be stringent and effective. This Declaration, though professedly aimed at all the Belligerents, without distinetion, in truth struck England solely, or almost solely, as the preponderating Power at sea. It became the basis of the "Armed Neutrality," as it was termed; an alliance between Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, to support the claims of Neutrals, if needful, even by the force of arms. To this alliance other Neutral Powers, as Holland and Prussia, afterwards acceded. Spain and France speedily gave in their adhesion to the Czarina's code; Spain declaring that she had infringed it only on compulsion to requite the violence of England. Thus, in addition to all her other enemies at this period, in the Old World and the New, England was left to maintain, single-handed, against a league of the Baltic Powers, her principles of Maritime Law. ↑

It might seem indeed as if, at that period, the other nations of the earth, jealous of our long ascendancy, or mindful of their past humiliations, were all combining to ruin or despoil us. Worse still, our own past errors or misdeeds had turned against us a large share of our native strength, had arrayed in North America the arms, and in many parts of Ireland the feelings, of our fellow-countrymen in the opposite ranks. Of one thing,

* See the Malmesbury Papers, vol. i. page 355.

† Besides the many older writers on the "Armed Neutrality," I would commend to English readers, an account of it in the unpretending, but candid and very able, volume recently published by Mr. W. H. Trescot, in America. (Diplomacy of the Revolution New York, 1852.) The principal points at issue have been condensed by M. Thiers, in a clear and masterly sketch. (Le Consulat et l'Empire, vol. ii. pp. 106-110. ed. 1845.)

however, in those times an Englishman may well be proud. As our enemies increased, our spirit grew. Ministers who had seemed unequal to far inferior exigencies, now girded themselves up to grapple with the growing dangers. Sailors and soldiers, yeomen and Militia felt, each man in his own sphere, the special call upon him, and seemed resolute to show that, although out-numbered, we were not over-matched. Our navy was so well directed and so bravely manned as to wage war, on no unequal terms, in the seas of Europe, of Africa, of Asia, and of America, against all the best navies of the world. Our troops, with so many other duties or defences in opposite quarters of the globe, yet, as will presently be seen, in the transactions of that year in North America, displayed an augmented energy, and achieved important successes.

The motives that weighed with the British chiefs in North America, to transfer the war from the Middle to the Southern States, have been already explained. On the day after Christmas, 1779, Sir Henry Clinton, with about 5,000, men, embarked on board the fleet of Admiral Arbuthnot. He left behind him at New York, to defend that important post, a sufficient force under General Knyphausen. His voyage proved most stormy and unprosperous; he lost several of his transports and all his cavalry horses, and was nearly seven weeks at sea. Immediately on landing he took measures, as he had designed, for investing Charleston, while Admiral Arbuthnot (with whom, however, the General was not on cordial terms) was to second the enterprise with his ships, up the Ashley river. Clinton, even after some reinforcements he received, could muster no more than 7,000 men; and the besieged were almost as many. They were commanded by General Benjamin Lincoln from the Northern States, and strengthened by a squadron of nine ships of war, under Commodore Whipple. Sufficient time had been left them for constructing some considerable works of defence by the assistance of French engineers; and further inland, another American force was gathering for their relief. Against this last, however, the English General, having succeeded in remounting his cavalry, sent Colonel Tarleton with a party of

1780. SIEGE AND CAPTURE OF CHARLESTON.

47

horse; and so active and able was that officer, that the American force was surprised and utterly routed at Monk's Corner.

Having thus provided against the chances of relief, Sir Henry Clinton pushed the siege of Charleston with great vigour and success. At last, on the 11th of May, the Americans declared themselves willing to accept the terms of capitulation, which they had formerly refused; the articles were signed next day, and the English took possession of the town. The Americans, who laid down their arms on this occasion, marching out with certain honours of war, were upwards of 5,000. Of these the Continental troops and seamen were to remain prisoners, and the Militiamen to return to their homes upon parole. All their naval force was either destroyed or seized, together with a large amount of stores, and 400 pieces of artillery. Many other events in the American war, as the surprise at Trenton and the surrender of Saratoga, were no doubt of far higher moment in their consequences; but viewed as a military feat, as the result of skill and strategy combined with valour, this may, perhaps, be pronounced the most brilliant of all. The news of it reached England exactly at the close of Lord George Gordon's riots; and tended, in no small degree, to restore the public confidence, and to cheer the public mind.

Charleston being now in possession of the English, their next object was to secure, as far as possible, the general submission of the province. With this object Sir Henry Clinton issued several Proclamations, inviting support, and assuring of favour and protection all inhabitants who would return to their allegiance. Many hundreds did indeed consent to enrol themselves as loyal Militia, under Major Ferguson. At the same time, Sir Henry sent out several small expeditions to the interior of the country. One detachment, under Colonel Tarleton, fell in with a body of Virginians commanded by Colonel Buford, at Wax-haws. Here the English were not only inferior in numbers, but exhausted by long marches beneath the summer sun, having in fifty-four hours come 105 miles; nevertheless, in the conflict which ensued, Buford's troops were utterly broken.

The Americans could not deny the victory; but have alleged that the slaughter was needlessly great, Tarleton's party having refused quarter to their opponents after they had ceased to resist and laid down their

arms.

The Americans in the Southern States were now greatly dispirited. During the siege of Charleston, they had expected assistance, but in vain, first from the Spanish force in Florida, and next from the French fleet in the West Indies. They saw South Carolina apparently won back to the Royal cause, and with some probability that North Carolina would follow the example. But, at this crisis, intelligence reached Sir Henry Clinton, that the Americans upon the Hudson were on the point of receiving considerable succours; that a French fleet sent to their aid, with several French regiments on board, might soon be expected off the New England coasts. Sir Henry deemed it his duty to provide in person, for the safety of his principal charge. In the first days of June he accordingly re-embarked for New York, with a portion of his force; leaving, however, about 4,000 men under Lord Cornwallis's command. The instructions given to Lord Cornwallis, were to consider the maintenance of Charleston, and in general of South Carolina, as his main and indispensable objects; but consistently with these, he was left at liberty to make “a solid move," as it was termed, into North Carolina, if he judged it proper, or if he found it possible.

Charles, the second Earl, and afterwards the first Marquis, Cornwallis was born in 1738. Early in life he had embraced the military profession, which he pursued with undeviating honour, though variable success. In him the want of any shining talents was, in great measure, supplied by probity, by punctuality, by a steady courage, by a vigilant attention to his duties. In 1766, on the Declaratory Bill, he had shown his conciliatory temper to the Colonies; denying with Lord Camden and only three Peers besides, any right we had to tax them while they remained unrepresented in the

* Gordon's Hist. vol. iii. p. 361. Ramsay, vol. ii. p. 158.

1780.

EARL CORNWALLIS.

49

House of Commons. * When, however, the war broke forth, he acted solely as became a soldier. Under Lord Cornwallis was now serving a young officer of no common spirit and daring, destined, like himself, to attain, at another period, the highest office that an Englishman, out of England, can fill the office of GovernorGeneral of India. This was Francis Lord Rawdon, subsequently better known, first as Earl of Moira, and then as Marquis of Hastings. In the ensuing battle of Camden, where he held the second rank and played a distinguished part, he was not yet twenty-six years of age; and he had already gained renown, five years before, in the battle of Bunker's Hill. †

While the siege of Charleston still went on, the Congress, alarmed for the two Carolinas, directed Washing ton to send thither a considerable detachment of his army, under Baron de Kalb. On the surrender of Lincoln at Charleston, De Kalb became the senior officer in the Southern States; but in the summer, as the alarm increased, the Congress appointed General Gates above him to the chief command. The affair at Saratoga, though in truth little owing to Gates, had given him, up to this time, a high reputation for military skill; and his presence in the South, it was imagined, would go far to secure the public confidence. In the rapid warfare which ensued, both armies were exposed to great sufferings from toilsome marches, in a well-nigh tropic clime. The Americans, as Gates led them onwards, had to make their way through a country of sand-hills, swamps, and in their own expressive phrase, 'pine"barrens." So scarce were provisions in their camp, that at one time there were strong appearances of mutiny. They complained that they had little to eat, beyond the lean cattle picked up in the woods. Their whole army

66

* See vol. v. p. 138., and the pointed observations of Wilkes, on referring, some years later, to that debate. (Parl. Hist. vol. xxi. p. 893.) Horace Walpole, writing from looser reminiscences, transfers the scene to the debate upon the Stamp Act, in 1765. (Letter to Mason, Nov. 28. 1781, ed. 1851.)

"Lord Rawdon behaved to a charm: his name is established "for life." General Burgoyne to Lord Stanley, June 25, 1775. (American Archives, vol. ii. p. 1095.)