more, or to allow them to have any settlements south of the Kistna. The English, on their side, engaged not to aid or protect his enemies. These articles were entirely in favour of the English, and would probably not have been so easily obtained, were it not that Nizâm Ally, the Sûbahdâr's brother, whose enmity to Bussy was well known, had received a letter from Clive, inviting him to aid Col. Forde, and he had now advanced to Hyderabad, in the hope of supplanting his brother. The Sûbahdâr wanted Forde to give him some of the English troops, and on his refusal he retained the French that were with him. An accommodation, however, was effected with Nizâm Ally, who was confirmed in the government of Berår, of which Bussy had caused him to be deprived. Basâlut Jung, another brother, then took the French troops and set off for the south, to promote some views of his own. The English forthwith suspected some ulterior designs, and a force, under Major Monson, was sent against the fort of Coverpauk, and to their great surprise, for no one expected it, the fort surrendered at the first summons. Monson then led his troops to Arcot, expecting a similar result, but his hopes being deceived, he returned to Conjeveram.

On the 10th September the fleets of Pocock and D'Aché engaged, and the battle was, as usual, indecisive, though the French fled. D'Aché retired to Pondicherry, whence he sailed for the Islands, in spite of the remonstrances and even threats of Lally. He, however, was induced to leave behind him 400 Africans, and 500 Europeans, which last Lally termed "the scum of the sea." On the night of the 29th an attack was made on the town and fort of Wandewash, by the British troops, under Major Brereton; but it proved a total failure, owing in a great measure to the cowardice of Major R. Gordon, who was appointed to lead one of the divisions, but who disappeared as soon as the signal for its advance had been given. Lally, when informed of this event, fired one hundred guns in honour of the great victory gained by the French, and sent magnificent accounts of it into all quarters.

Bussy was now on his march to join Basâlut Jung, and he had proceeded one day's march from Arcot, when he was stopped by intelligence of a mutiny among the troops at that place, which speedily spread to his own camp. More than a year's pay was now due to the troops, and they were ill supplied with provisions. This in reality was owing to the extreme want of money; but the men thought that D'Aché had brought a large quantity of treasure, and they suspected that Lally had amassed great private wealth. They complained loudly; and when some of the men of the regiment of Lorraine were punished for some other offences, the whole regiment turned out, and occupied the ground lately held by the English. They were soon joined by the other regiments in Wandewash; they made a sergeant-major their general, and another sergeant major-general, and appointed all other officers, observing the strictest discipline.

When the news reached Pondicherry, Lally, the members of council, and others, gave all the money and plate they possessed, and the viscount Fumel was sent to negotiate with the mutineers. They listened calmly to his arguments and proposals,

and, at the desire of their general, the sergeants they agreed to return to their duty, on condition of an amnesty, six months' pay in hand, and the remainder in a month. These terms were acceded to, and they returned to Wandewash. Bussy was obliged to advance a month's pay to his men, and to halt till he could give them as much as the others had received. He then proceeded to join Basâlut Jung; but as this person demanded a loan of four lacs of rupees, he could effect nothing to the advantage of the French, and he returned to the Carnatic, bringing with him those French who were with Basâlut Jung.

As we have seen, it was the want of money that crippled all the operations of the French. An opportunity now presented itself of obtaining a large sum, and Lally resolved to embrace it. The approaching December harvest in the isle of Seringham promised to be unusually abundant, and the government share was valued at six lacs of rupees. Accordingly, toward the end of November, a force of 900 Europeans, 1000 Sepoys, and 200 native horse was sent thither, under the command of M. Crillon. No tidings of its march reached either Madras or Trichinopoly till it had nearly arrived at its destination. It then entered the island, and attacked the pagoda, which was gallantly defended by some Sepoys and other native troops. The cannon of the French, however, soon forced an entrance, and then they acted with the usual French barbarity. They refused quarter, and when they turned out those who had survived the massacre, they fired on some, and their cavalry pursued and cut down others. It is but justice to add, that the officers did not sanetion this conduct of their men.

This loss was soon counterbalanced by successes in another quarter. The English force had been increased by exchanges of prisoners, and still more by the arrival of Col. Coote (who had returned to England from Bengal) with 600 men, the remainder of his regiment, and which raised it to its full strength of 1000 men. He was nominated to the command in Bengal, but with permission to remain in Coromandel if deemed advisable. As he determined to remain, major Calliaud was sent with 200 men to Bengal, as Clive had requested might be done in case of Coote's being detained.

Coote, who took the chief command, resolved to attempt the reduction of Wandewash. The troops rendezvoused at Conjeveram, whence, while Coote marched with the main body to Arcot, Major Brereton, with a strong detachment, pushed on for Wandewash, and took possession of the town without opposition. The fort was commanded by a Killidâr, or native governor, and he had with him, beside his own troops, about seventy Europeans. When Coote arrived, batteries were raised and a breach effected. The fort was then summoned to surrender; but a defiance was returned. The firing was then continued, and, on the following morning, the Killidâr sent to treat; and Coote pledged himself that, if he would deliver up the French who were with him, he should be continued in his government under the English. An answer was required by two in the afternoon. At that hour the answer had not arrived, and the French appeared on the walls and offered to deliver up the fort. Coote sent å party of Sepoys to take possession of the gateway; but they were not admitted, as it was said the key was in the possession

A. D. 1760.

of the Killidâr. Coote, however, had himself advanced at the head of another company, and passed the breach; and thus Wandewash was taken, without the loss of a single man. The Killidâr had signed the treaty before the troops entered, and in all equity he had a right to the benefit of it; but the importance of the province, his kindred to Chunda Sahib, his enmity to Mohammed Ally, and his long connexion with the French, "weighed unjustly," says Orme, more than the respect due to a contract of which he was fulfilling his part." He was conducted a prisoner to Madras, where he haughtily refused to give any account of his treasure, which he had sent away to a strong fort in the hills near Vellore. The Nabob said that his capture was of more importance than that of the fort; yet he offered him his liberty for ten lacs of rupees.

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From Wandewash Coote marched to the fort of Carangoly, distant thirty-five miles. After effecting a breach, he allowed the garrison to march away with all the honours of war, only depriving the Sepoys of their arms. He was now preparing to march against Arcot, where a small detachment, under Captain Wood, had already entered the town. But the return of Bussy frustrated his design; and being harassed by the French cavalry and some Marattas who had joined them, and the rains coming on, he put his troops into quarters at Coverpauk and the adjacent villages.

The two armies did not remain long inactive. Early in January, 1760, they were in front of each other, between Coverpauk and Arcot. Lally, whose forces had been augmented by the return of Bussy and by the arrival of a great part of the detachment at Seringham, which he had recalled, resolved to make an attack on Conjeveram, where he fancied the English had large magazines of rice. By skilful manoeuvring he contrived to deceive the vigilance of the English for three days, during which he was gradually getting nearer to his object; and on the third night he marched for it with his troops in two divisions. In the morning he took possession of the town without resistance; but no rice was there. The English in fact had no magazines: the system then was, that each day should provide for itself; if food was to be had the men ate it, if not they fasted. The pagoda there, which was held by the English, contained some military stores; but as he had no cannon, he could not attack it, and he retired after plundering and setting fire to the town. His most valuable booty was two thousand bullocks.

Coote, who had expected that Wandewash would be the object of Lally's attack, set out with his cavalry for Conjeveram the moment intelligence from thence reached him, but found Lally gone. That officer was now preparing for an attempt on Wandewash, contrary to the advice of the experienced Bussy, who maintained that it was impossible to take it in the face of the whole British army, and advised, as they were so much superior in cavalry, and had the aid of the Marattas, to keep the regular troop together, and let the latter lay waste the British districts. But Lally was headstrong and self-sufficient; he was jealous of Bussy's popularity, if not of his talents; and though he could not decently avoid asking his opinion, he took good care never to follow it. Bussy's advice to the contrary, therefore, ensured

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the attack on Wandewash, whither Lally marched with a part of his forces on the 4th, leaving Bussy with the main body at Trivatore. Coote, when informed of Lally's departure, took a position half way between Wandewash and Chingleput. Lally would hardly give credit to Bussy when he sent to inform him of this movement; but being at length convinced of its truth, he permitted Bussy to act as he deemed best, and that officer led his troops to Wandewash. It was Coote's intention to wait till the enemy was ready to assault, and then to attack, at his option, either the troops thus engaged, or the covering force on the plain. Bussy, who penetrated his design, advised Lally to suspend the siege, and to keep his army together till Coote either attacked or retired. This advice was of course rejected, and Lally resolved to persevere in the siege.

On his first arrival, Lally had attacked and carried the town, chiefly through his own personal courage, a quality in which he certainly was not by any means deficient. He entrenched the openings of the streets toward the fort, and raised a battery; but as he had to fetch his guns from some distance, it was not till the 20th that it began to play. By night it had produced some effect, and next morning Coote, to whom Captain Sherlock, the commandant, had sent word, advanced with his cavalry to reconnoitre. Having received further information from Sherlock, he gave orders for the main body to advance. The following day (22nd) his whole army having come up, he drew it out in order of battle on a plain, in view of the French camp; but their troops remained inactive, and even the firing on the fort seemed to have ceased. He then directed it to move along the south side of the mountain of Wandewash, and in the direction of the fort. He offered battle again, but to no purpose; and having, by the fire of two guns driven off the French and Maratta cavalry that annoyed him, he moved round the mountain till, as he had proposed, he had placed his army with one flank protected by the fire of the fort, and the other by some impassable ground, while he had the power of attacking at his pleasure the batteries or camp of the enemy.

Lally, aware of his error, resolved to give battle at once, in the hope of retrieving it; and when the armies were within cannon shot, he put himself at the head of his 300 European cavalry, and making a large sweep, came down on that of the English, in which there were only eighty Europeans. The native horse at once turned and fled, but Captain Barker, who had the management of two fieldpieces, directed them so ably, that just as the French were coming full speed down on the eighty English, he gave them a point-blank discharge, which threw them into such confusion, that they turned and galloped off, Lally being the last to retire.

Lally, on his return, gave orders to advance. The regiment of Lorraine, forming twelve in front, bore down on Coote's own, and though received by a galling fire at the distance of fifty yards, still rushed on till the two were mingled and contending with the bayonet. But here the English were as ever superior, and the gallant Frenchmen turned and fled to their camp.

Meantime a shot from one of the English guns struck a tumbril laden with powder in a dry tank,

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to the left of Lally's regiment, and the explosion killed or wounded about eighty of them. The rest fled to the camp, and Major Brereton forthwith advanced to occupy the tank. Bussy, however, who had rallied some of the fugitives, led them back, and a sharp conflict ensued; but the English remained finally masters of the tank, with the loss of their gallant leader. The fight was then maintained between them and the remainder of Lally's regiment, till two field-pieces were brought to bear on the latter. Bussy then attempted to lead a charge, but his horse being wounded, he was forced to dismount; and then he found that he had been followed by only twenty men. He surrendered to an English party, which surrounded him; and such was the respect in which he was held, that he was admitted to parole on the field, and furnished with a pass for Pondicherry.

The French camp with stores, ammunition, and twenty-four pieces of cannon was taken. The loss of the English in killed and wounded was about 200, that of the French about 600 men. The number of Europeans is said by Orme to have been 1900 English, 2250 French, while Lally says, 2500 of the former, 1350 of the latter 5.

Coote proceeded to reduce Chingleput, Arcot, and other forts. The important seaport of Carical surrendered on the 5th April, and on the 1st May the only place remaining to the French was Pondicherry, and the English army was encamped within four miles of that town. They had been largely reinforced from home, and eleven ships of the line were now on the coast. Hope and confidence pervaded all bosoms; while, within the walls of Pondicherry, all was distrust, animosity, and bitterness. Lally charged the governor and council with peculation and embezzlement; they retorted by charges of cowardice, folly, and dishonesty. Aid from France was looked for, but looked for in vain.

Still Lally was able to inspire the English with such respect for his forces that they did not venture to lay siege to Pondicherry. He continued to supply the fort with provisions for several months; and on the night of the 4th September, he made a well-planned attack on the English camp, which failed, chiefly in consequence of one of the divisions not coming up in time. But reinforcements continued to come to the English camp, and their fleet now counted seventeen ships of the line.

The last ships from England brought out commissions of lieut.-colonel for Majors Brereton and Monson, prior in date to that of Coote. But they were not to assume the command as long as Coote should remain in the Carnatic. This injudicious arrangement was made in ignorance of the real state of affairs; for Coote, it was supposed, had proceeded to his command in Bengal. Monson, in whom we shall find little to esteem, instead of, in the spirit of the instructions, agreeing to continue to serve during the siege under Coote, offered to retire to Madras; but Coote, to end the difficulty, said that he would proceed with his regiment at once to Bengal; and when Monson

5 Mill, true to his system of depreciating his countrymen, says that Orme's account of the French appears to be conjectural, while Lally may perhaps be trusted for the account of his own forces, as it was given in the face of his enemies, who could contradict it if untrue. But these enemies were French also, and his account is false on the face of it.

declared to the presidency that, if that regiment went, there was little hope of taking Pondicherry, Coote, unlike Adlercron, agreed to leave it and go to Bengal alone.

Pondicherry, like most towns in that part of India, had a bound-hedge composed of trees and prickly plants. The use of these hedges was, to keep off a sudden attack. The present one commencing at the river opposite the fort of Ariancopang, went round till it reached the sea-coast on the north, enclosing an area of seven square miles, which would feed as much cattle as might support the garrison for some time. It was defended by four redoubts, on the four roads leading from the town. To get possession of the hedge and its redoubts was of the utmost importance to the English. Coote, whose plan was to commence by reducing the fort of Ariancopang, had prevailed on Admiral Stevens to lend him 400 marines for the purpose; but in the council he yielded his own judgment to that of Monson, and the expedition was suspended, and the marines sent on board.

Monson, whose plan was to attack the four redoubts together, as soon as he got the command, proceeded to put it into execution. The attack was in some measure successful, and might perhaps have been completely so, were it not that Major R. Gordon became again invisible at the critical moment. The French abandoned three of the redoubts and several pieces of cannon; but the loss of the English was severe. Among the wounded was Monson himself, and as Major R. Gordon, the next in rank, lost no time in displaying his incompetence by exposing the troops to a night attack, from which nothing but their own daring valour preserved them, Monson wrote immediately to request that Coote, who was still at Madras, would come and take the command. The presidency joined in the request, and Coote, who had no false notions of honour, gave a willing consent.

The blockade was continued, and in December famine began to be felt in the town. On the 27th, Lally turned out of it the natives to the number of 1400, and during eight days these poor creatures roamed about the enclosure, feeding on the roots of the grass, prevented from going out of it by the guards of the besiegers, fired on by cannon and musketry when they approached the gates of the town. At length the English commander allowed them to pass, and the expressions of gratitude uttered by the unhappy creatures were loud and fervent.

On the 30th a furious storm came on; the sea rushed over the beach, sweeping away the English batteries and redoubts, carrying off tents, and destroying ammunition. Some ships of the blockading squadron were stranded, others much injured. But the inundation was so far of service, that, as it covered the ground with water so that artillery could not be moved through it, the garrison were unable to make a sally. Every effort was speedily made to repair the damage, and on the 12th January, 1761, the besiegers began to open trenches. On the evening of the 15th a flag of truce appeared, announcing the approach of a deputation. The envoys came on foot, the fort containing neither horses nor palankeen-bearers. They bore a memorial from Lally full of absurd gasconade, and charges of breach of faith on the English, but offering to surrender at discretion;

A. D. 1761.

and another from the governor and council, claiming security for the persons, property, and religion of the inhabitants. The terms were granted, and next day (18th) the English took possession of the town and citadel. The roar of 1000 pieces of cannon from ships, walls, redoubts, and batteries, saluted the English flag when it was seen to wave over the conquered town.

As the French had destroyed the fortifications of Fort St. David, and Lally's instructions were to destroy all the maritime possessions of the English, the Company had issued similar orders in retaliation. The fortifications, therefore, of Pondicherry were demolished. Mr. Pigot claimed the conquest for the Company; but a council of the officers of the army and navy met and refused compliance. He then declared that the presidency would not issue any money for the support of the king's troops or the French prisoners, and they were obliged to yield, though they protested against his authority.

Gingee, and Thiagur, and Mahé, on the coast of Malabar, soon after surrendered to the forces sent against them, and nothing remained to the French in India but their mere trading factories at Calicut and Surat; and thus, in the space of less than twenty years, were ended for ever their brilliant dreams of an empire in the East.

And surely, without national prejudice, we may say that it was fortunate for the people of India that the contest had this termination. Of all nations of Europe the French seem to be the least fitted for holding dominion over another people. Their national vanity and their inborn insolence disqualify them: they have none of the dignity of character requisite for such an office. In the conduct of the British in India there is doubtless much to condemn ; but much is to be ascribed to inevitable ignorance, and they have gone on in a steady course of improvement. But had the French obtained the same power there, we fear the pages of the historian would present a far different picture, and we might have to contemplate razzias, and scenes of plunder, violence, insolence, and cruelty, of which Englishmen are incapable; ending eventually in their massacre and expulsion.

Lally returned to France. His conduct in India had been intemperate and overbearing, and had made him many enemies; but it had been honest and disinterested, and he had shown both skill and courage. The ministry and the Company, who had not supported him, resolved to make him the scapegoat of their own misdeeds, and he was thrown into the Bastille, and then, as if that was too honourable for him, into a common prison. Frivolous charges were made against him, and the Parliament of Paris condemned him to death. When the sentence was read to him in his dungeon, he was so filled with surprise and indignation, that he snatched up a pair of compasses he had been using, and attempted to plunge them into his heart; but his hand was held. That very day he was led through Paris in a dung-cart, to the Grève, with a gag in his mouth, to prevent his addressing the people; and his head was stricken off. Voltaire exposed this "murder committed with the sword of justice," as Orme terms it; and his son Lally Tolendal became an instrument in the hand of Providence for destroying the effete and tyrannous monarchy which had perpetrated that dark deed.

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CHAPTER IX.

Affairs of Bengal-Invasion of Bahâr by the Shah-ZadaConflict with the Dutch-Return of Clive to England.

HAVING thus brought the affairs of the Carnatic down to the period of the overthrow of the French power in India, we now return to those of Bengal.

A revolution in the East is usually attended by minor commotions within the state, made by those who hope to gain or who fear to lose wealth or power. Jaffier Khân was a weak man, and too much attached to his own family, and his son Meerum was known to be cruel and unscrúpulous. Moreover it had been a part of the policy of the prudent Aliverdi to employ Hindoos in places of trust and profit, and the Moslems coveted their places and their wealth. The consequence was, that very soon Roy Dûllûb, Abdul Sing, rajah of Purneah, Rajah Râm, manager of Midnapore, and Rajah Râm Narrain, governor of Patna, were driven into rebellion, and Shujah-ud-dowlah, of Oude, who now had Law and his French with him, menaced Bahâr. Clive, therefore, found it necessary to accompany the Nabob to Patna, with the greater part of his forces, though he thereby left Calcutta exposed, if the French, as was feared, could have sent a force against it. By the influence which his mental energy gave him over the vacillating Nabob, and by the confidence reposed in his honour by Râm Narrain, he effected an accommodation, and the latter was left in possession of his government, from which Meer Jaffier had proposed to remove him in favour of his brother, whom Clive designates as a greater fool than himself." Clive also, while at Patna, obtained for the Company a monopoly of the saltpetre of that province. It was an advantage, no doubt, for them; but it was also one for the Nabob, who received as much as ever, and more regular payment. But his officers were displeased, as they lost their usual bribes and presents from the contractors. Clive was accompanied to Moorshedabâd by Roy Dûllûb, whom he had pledged himself to protect, and he then returned to Calcutta.

Soon after his return, a vessel arrived from England, bringing out the arrangements made by the Directors after they heard of the misfortunes in Bengal. The first, made in August, 1757, appointed a committee of five, in which Clive was to preside; the second, made in November, dismissed Mr. Drake, whose incompetence was undisputed, and appointed a council of ten, the four senior members of which were to preside alternately for three months each. In this no mention whatever was made of Clive; but this was little regarded; and the members of the Council were unanimous in their request to him to take the office of president, as he alone was adequate to the conducting of affairs at that critical period. Irritated by the supposed insult of the Directors, he at first refused; but he finally yielded to his zeal for the public service and the united solicitations of all ranks and parties in Bengal. The truth, however, is, no slight was intended. It was supposed he had returned to Madras; and as soon as intelligence arrived of the battle of Plassy, and of his remaining in Bengal, the Directors appointed him to the office of president.

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pire, to make that prince a prisoner. Hence they both, while pursuing their own interests, were acting the part of dutiful subjects to the crown. To Clive the great advantage was, that Meer Jaffier took this occasion of presenting him a jagheer for the support of his new dignity. It was the quit rent of the territory granted to the Company, and was estimated at nearly thirty lacs of rupees a year 6.

It was soon after this that Clive sent the expedition under Col. Forde to the Deckan, much against the will of many members of the council, who thought only of Bengal, while he thought of the British interests in India.

Meantime intrigue was at work, as usual, at Moorshedabâd, and Roy Dûllûb was deprived of his employment, and disgraced. A chief agent in this business was Nundcomar, another Hindoo, and governor of Hooghly, who envied his wealth and his success. His attachment to the English was also a high crime in the eyes of the Nabob and his son. Just at this time Clive had invited the Nabob to Calcutta. He accepted the invitation, and he had no sooner set out, than Meerum, as no doubt had been arranged, was going to attack Roy Dûllûb's house, when Mr. Scrafton, the resident, marched a company of men to protect him, and sent word to Mr. Watts, who was with the Nabob. This prince of course denied all knowledge of the transaction, and consented to Roy Dûllûb's accompanying them to Calcutta. Some time after the minister's family were allowed to join him there, and his property was saved from the meditated plunder. An attempt was then made to deprive him of the English protection, by means of a forged letter, on which was founded a charge of plots against the Nabob's life. But this artifice could not elude Clive's sagacity.

Early in the year 1759 the Shah Zada, heirapparent, eldest son of the emperor of Delhi, weary of the state of thraldom in which the im. perial family was held by the Vizier Ghâzi-ud-dîn, and instigated by the Sûbahdâr of Oude, fled from the capital, and collecting a force of about 8000 men, resolved to attempt to make himself master of Bahar. Râm Narrain was reported to have in vited him, and the Seits to have supplied him with money; it was also asserted that he had been joined by M. Law. On the other hand, the conduct of his son gave the Nabob great anxiety even for his life, and his troops were in a state of mutiny, and refused to march unless their arrears were paid. His only dependence was on Clive, to whom both himself and Mr. Hastings, the resident, wrote frequent and pressing letters.

Clive at once assured the Nabob of support, and at the same time, through Mr. Amyatt, the agent at Patna, bade Râm Narrain to rely on his protection against the Nabob. He put himself at the head of a force of about 450 Europeans and 2500 Sepoys, and set out for Patna. The news of his approach gave courage to the governor, who had been wavering; he repelled the attacks of the enemy, and soon after the Shah Zada broke up his camp, and made a precipitate retreat. Repelled from Oude, to whose ruler he was no longer of use, and proclaimed a rebel by his father, he sought the British protection; but, connected as Clive was with Meer Jaffier, he found himself obliged to refuse it; he sent him, however, a present of money equal to about 1000l. to aid him in effecting his escape.

This expedition of the Shâh Zada was of service to both Meer Jaffier and to Clive. For the emperor (or rather Ghâzi-ud-dîn), when he heard of it, appointed his second son Sûbahdâr of Bengal, &c., with Meer Jaffier as his Naib or deputy, and sent orders to the latter and to Clive, who, through his interest had been made an Omralı of the em

There was peace at this time between England and Holland, but we are not to suppose that mutual hostilities in the East were thereby precluded. Though the Dutch, who had also suffered from the rapacity of Shujah-ud-dowlah, rejoiced at his fall, and congratulated the English on their effecting it, they refused to recognise Meer Jaffier, and on his passing their factory of Chinsura on his way to Calcutta, they did not pay him the compliment of a salute. The offended Nabob stopped their trade, and they then, in their usual manner, made a most submissive apology. Mutual jealousy of the English soon drew them more closely together. The Nabob was annoyed at the state of tutelage in which he was held; the Dutch were jealous of the English monopoly of saltpetre (though they got it cheaper than ever), and annoyed at their vessels being obliged to take English pilots, a necessary precaution against the French. It was said that they then concerted between them that the Dutch should bring a large force from Batavia to counterbalance that of the English, and support the Nabob. But then came the invasion of the ShâhZada, which united the Nabob more closely than ever with Clive; and when intelligence came that the Dutch were fitting out a large expedition at Batavia, he issued a purwannah to the governor of Chinsura, prohibiting their admission there. Soon after a Dutch ship arrived full of troops. The Nabob sent another purwannah, and the Dutch replied, that she came by stress of weather, and would depart forthwith. They endeavoured, however, to land the troops, but were prevented by the vigilance of the English, who searched the boats, and sent back the soldiers they found in them.

Early in October, while the Nabob was cn a visit at Calcutta, news came that six or seven more Dutch ships "crammed with soldiers," had entered the river. The Nabob, conscious that it was his encouragement had brought them, said, he would go to his town of Hooghly for a few days, and make them be sent away. Instead, however, of stopping them, he went to a place between it and Chinsura, where he received the Dutch most graciously, and sent to tell the English that he had granted them some slight indulgence in their trade, and that they would send away their ships and troops as soon as the season would permit. But that this was all deception was manifest, for the season was then as favourable as could be desired, and soon after news arrived that the ships were moving up the river, and that the Dutch were enlisting troops of all kinds, which could not be done without the connivance, at least, of the Nabob.

6 Clive, when created an Omrah, had, through Jugget Seit, asked for a jagheer to support his new dignity, but it does not appear that he specified any amount, and he got no answer at the time. The present one was given him by the advice of Jugget Seit.